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29. While these things were going on, Acoris, then king of the Egyptians, being on unfriendly terms with the Persian King, collected a large mercenary force; for by offering high pay to those who enrolled and doing favors to many of them, he quickly induced many of the Greeks to take service with him for the campaign. But having no capable general, he sent for Chabrias the Athenian, a man distinguished both for his prudence as general and his shrewdness in the art of war, who had also won great repute for personal
prowess. Now Chabrias, without first securing the permission of the Athenian people, accepted the appointment and took command of the forces in Egypt and with great dispatch made preparations to fight the Persians. But Pharnabazus, who had been appointed by the King general of the Persian armies, prepared large supplies of war material, and also sent ambassadors to Athens, first to denounce Chabrias, who by becoming general of the Egyptians was alienating, so he said, the King's affection from the people of Athens, and, secondly, to urge them to give him Iphicrates as general. The Athenians, being eager to gain the favor of the Persian King and to incline Pharnabazus to themselves, quickly recalled Chabrias from Egypt and dispatched Iphicrates as general to act in alliance with the Persians.
Note: Here we learn the reason for the changing of sides as depicted on the walls of Medinet Habu where the soldiers with horned helmets first fight with the Egyptians against the `Prst' ( Persians), and then against them. The important point to recognize is that the Egyptian picture representations of these conflicts show by the changing of sides, when allies became enemies, that political decisions brought these changes about and not mere artistic variations. For a general, making decisions whom he would fight or whom he would support, his government would be involved in. Therefore these reliefs at Medinet Habu represent geopolitical decisions made between the capitals of Egypt, Greece and Persia. It is of further importance to recognize that Ramses III and his time, on account of his records, fulfills the particular political circumstances to great detail and therefore Ramses III of the 20th and Nectanebo I of the 30th Dynasty were the same person and there is no difference between these two dynasties. |
We see all three, Egyptians, Greeks and Persians fight against the Libyans reflecting events early in the reign of Ramses III/Nectanebo I.
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After the Libyan wars Greek mercenaries help the Egyptians against the Persians.
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Because of Persian complaints to Athens the Greek government decided to recall their troops from Egypt and support Persia instead by sending their able general Pharanabazus. Now the Egyptians find themselves alone battling against them all.
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At a later time
31. .. Such was the organization, and King Agesilaus was put in command of the campaign. He was renowned for courage and shrewdness in the art of war and had been all but invincible in the former periods. For in all his wars he won admiration and especially when the Lacedemonians were fighting the Persians. For he gave battle and won the victory over the force of many times his own number; then he overran a large part of Asia, mastering the open country, and finally would probably have succeeded, had not the Spartans recalled him because of political affairs, in reducing the whole Persian empire to the direst straits. For he was a man of energy, daring but highly intelligent, engaging in hazardous actions. Accordingly the Spartans, seeing the magnitude of the war called for a first-rate leader,
again appointed him commander of the whole war.Note: Citing Plutarch and Xenophon's writings about Agesilaus we learn the unfavorable impression Agesilaus made on the Egyptians. They had heard of his legendary success stories in battles but did not
know that he was but a small man in stature and meek in demeanor. [See Plutarchs, `Lives', Agesilaus & Cornelius Nepos, `Agesilaus.']
We do not have historical records of Pharaoh Tachos (Ramses IV) but on a wall at Medinet Habu we read:
"His majesty brought a little one of the land of Temeh,
a small one supported by strong arms, appointed for them
to be a chief, to regulate their land."
[J.A.Wilson, `The Lybians and the End of the Egyptian Empire', American Journal of Semitic Languages, January, 1935]
Note: The Egyptians called the population of the neighboring Libya `Tehenu.' They were pictured with dark complexion and curly hair. Then for some time another tribe, Temeh, was described and pictured as inhabiting Libya, Cyrenaica. "The Temehu were quite a different race whose skin was fair and who had blond hair and gray (or blue?) eyes." [Ahmed Fakhir, `Siwa Oasis', (Cairo, 1973), p. 75]
These represent Greek and Spartan settlers of the Libyan coast at that time.
Agesilaus led forth his army and reached Boetia accompanied by all the soldiers, amounting to more than eighteen thousand, in which were the five divisions of Lacedemonians. Each division contained five hundred men. The company known as Sciritae amongst the Spartans is not drawn up with the rest, but has its own station with the king and it goes to the support of the sections that from time to time are in distress; and since it is composed of picked men, it is an important factor in turning the scale in pitched battles, and generally determines the victory. Agesilaus also had fifteen hundred cavalry.
38. When Hippodamas was archon at Athens, the Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Valerius, Lucius Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, and Lucretius. During their term of office Artaxerxes, King of the Persians, intending to make war on the Egyptians and being busily engaged in organizing a considerable mercenary army decided to effect a settlement of the wars going on in Greece. For by this means he particularly hoped that the Greeks, once released from their domestic wars, would be more ready to accept mercenary service. Accordingly he sent ambassadors to Greece to urge the cities to enter into a general peace by agreement. The Greeks welcomed his proposal because they wearied of the uninterrupted series of wars, and all agreed to make peace on the condition that all the cities should be independent and free from foreign garrisons.
Looking back in time again
41. When Socratides was archon at Athens [374 BC], the Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Quintus Servilius, Servius Cornelius, and Spurius Papirius. During their term of office King Artaxerxes sent an expedition against the Egyptians, who had revolted from Persia. The leaders of the army were Pharnabazus, commanding the barbarian contingent, and Iphicrates the Athenian, commanding the mercenaries, who numbered twenty thousand. Iphicrates, who had been summoned for the campaign by the King, was given the assignment
because of his strategic skill. After Pharnabazus had wasted several years making his preparations1), Iphicrates, perceiving that though in talk he was clever, he was sluggish in action, frankly told him that he marveled that anyone so quick in speech could be so dilatory in action. Pharnabazus replied that it was because he was master of his words but the King was master of his actions. When the Persian army had assembled at Ace it numbered two hundred thousand barbarians under the command of Pharnabazus and twenty thousand Greek mercenaries led by Iphicrates. The triremes numbered three hundred and the thirty oared vessels two hundred. The number of those conveying food and other supplies was great. At the beginning of the summer the King's generals broke camp with the entire army, and accompanied by the fleet sailing along the coast proceeded to Egypt. When they came near the Nile they found that the Egyptians had manifestly completed their preparations for the war.2) For Pharnabazus marched slowly3) and had given plenty of time for the enemy to prepare. Indeed it is the usual custom for the Persian commanders, not being independent in the general conduct of war, to refer all matters to the King and await his replies concerning every detail.
Note:
1) These `years' of Pharnabazus spent in preparation were spent in Palestine near `Ace', `Acco' or `Acre', a coastal town on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea.
2) A possible reason why the 300 triremes could not be used in entering the mouths of the Nile.
3) Since Pharnabazus marched slowly together with the Greek soldiers under Iphicrates it is no wonder that some of their implements could have been left behind during that time. A Greek style, decorated pottery fragment somehow found its way to Kadesh Barnea where it was discovered in 1985 together with Persian period artifacts.(BAR, Jul/Aug 1986, p. 44)]
Archaeological Evidence of Ramses III defenses
During the years from 1960-1962 archaeologists under the direction of Sharik Farid excavated a site called `Kom el-Qulzoum' located in the area of `Lake Timsah' and the `Bitter Lakes'. The earliest remains were dated to the time of Ramses III. The site is on a 3 meter high mound and was enclosed by a 7 meter thick wall with at least one fortified gate in the west wall. The wall enclosed about an area between 1260-1680 square meter. The site may have served as a transfer point for copper and turquoise shipments from South Sinai and a protection against Shasu bedouins incursions.
42. The Egyptian king Nectanebus learned the size of the Persian armies, but was emboldened, chiefly by the strength of the country, for Egypt is extremely difficult to approach, and secondly by the fact that all points of invasion from land or sea had been carefully blocked. For the Nile empties into the Egyptian Sea by the seven mouths, and at each mouth a city had been established along with great towers on each bank of the stream and a wooden bridge commanding its entrance. He especially fortified the Pelusiae mouth because it is the first to be encountered by those approaching from Syria and seemed to be the most likely route of the enemy approach. He dug channels connecting with this, fortified the entrances for ships at the most suitable points, and inundated the approaches by land while blocking the sea approaches by embankments. Accordingly it was not easy either for the ships to sail in, or for the cavalry to draw near, or for the infantry to approach. Pharnabazus' staff, finding the Pelusiae mouth so remarkably fortified and guarded by a multitude of soldiers, rejected utterly the plan of forcing a way through it and decided to make the invasion by ship through another mouth. Accordingly they voyaged on the open sea so that the ships should not be sighted by the enemy, and sailed in by the mouth known as Mendesian, which had a beach stretching over a considerable space. Landing here with three thousand men, Pharnabazus and Iphicrates pushed forward to the walled stronghold at the mouth. The Egyptians rushed out with three thousand horse and infantry, and a sharp battle ensued, but many men from their ships came to increase the number of the Persians, until finally the Egyptians were surrounded, many slain, and not a few captured alive; and the rest were driven in confusion into the city. Iphicrates men dashed in with the defenders inside the walls, took possession of the fortress, razed it, and enslaved the inhabitants.
Note: These towers are mentioned on the walls of Medinet Habu and are refered to by the Hebrew term `Migdal (tower)' instead of an Egyptian term showing how by this late time in Egyptian history the Egyptian language had adopted many Greek and Hebrew words in their usage of their language. In the Greek of Diodorus he uses here the term `pyrgos (tower)', the same word Ramses used.
43. After this, discord set in amongst the commanders, causing the failure of the enterprise. For Iphicrates, learning from the captives that Memphis, the most strategically situated of the Egyptian cities, was undefended, advised sailing immediately up to Memphis before the Egyptian forces arrived there, but Pharnabazus thought they should await the entire Persian force; for in this way the campaign against Memphis would be less dangerous. When Iphicrates demanded that he be given the mercenaries that were on hand and promised if he had them to capture the city, Pharnabazus became suspicious of his boldness and his courage for fear lest he take possession of Egypt for himself. Accordingly when Pharnabazus would not yield, Iphicrates protested that if they let slip the exact moment of opportunity, they would make the whole campaign a failure. Some generals indeed bore a grudge against him and were attempting to fasten unfair charges upon him. Meanwhile the Egyptians, having had plenty of time to recuperate, first sent an adequate garrison into Memphis, and then, proceeding with all their forces against the ravaged stronghold at the Mendesian mouth of the Nile and being now at a great advantage owing to the strength of their position, fought constant engagements with the enemy. With ever increasing strength they slew many Persians and gained confidence against them. As the campaign about this stronghold dragged on, and the Adhesion winds had already set in, the Nile, which was filling up and flooding the whole region with the abundance of its waters, made Egypt daily more secure. The Persian commanders, as this state of affairs constantly operated against them, decided to withdraw from Egypt. Consequently, on their way back to Asia, when a disagreement arose between him and Pharnabazus, Iphicrates, suspecting that he might be arrested and punished as Conon the Athenian had been, decided to flee secretly from the camp. Accordingly, having secured a ship covertly got away at night and reached port at Athens. Pharnabazus dispatched ambassadors to Athens and accused Iphicrates of being responsible for the failure to capture Egypt. The Athenians however replied, to the Persians that if they detected him in wrongdoing they would punish him as he deserved, and shortly afterwards appointed Iphicrates general in command of their fleet.
90. When Molon was archon in Athens, in Rome there were elected as consuls Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius. During their term of office the inhabitants of the Asiatic coast revolted from Persia, and some of the satraps and generals rising in insurrection made war on Artaxerxes. At the same time Tachos the Egyptian king [Ramses IV, 360-354 BC] decided to fight the Persians and prepared ships and gathered infantry forces. Having procured many mercenaries from the Greek cities, he persuaded the Lacedaemonians likewise to fight with him, for the Spartans were estranged from Artaxerxes because of the Messenians had been included by the king on the same terms as the other Greeks in the general peace.
92. While these things were going on, Rheomithres, who had been sent by the insurgents to King Tachos in Egypt, received from him five hundred talents of silver and fifty warships, and sailed to Asia to the city named Leucae. To this city he summoned many leaders of the insurgents. These he arrested and sent in irons to Artaxerxes, and, though he himself had been an insurgent, by the favours that he conferred through his betrayal, he made his peace with the king. In Egypt king Tachos, having completed his preparations for the war, now had two hundred triremes expensively adorned, ten thousand chosen mercenaries from Greece, and besides these eighty thousand Egyptian infantry. He gave the command of the mercenaries to the Spartan Agesilaus, who had been dispatched by the Lacedaemonians with a thousand hoplites to fight as an ally, being a man capable of leading troops and highly regarded for his courage and for his shrewdness in the art of war. The command of the naval contingent he had entrusted to Chabrias the Athenian, who had not been sent officially by his country, but had been privately prevailed upon by the king to join the expedition. The king himself, having command of the Egyptians and being general of the whole army, gave no heed to the advice of Agesilaus to remain in Egypt and conduct the war through the agency of his generals, though the advice was sound. In fact when the armament had gone far afield and was encamped near Phoenicia, the general left in charge of Egypt revolted from the king, and having thereupon sent word to his son Nectanebos prevailed upon him to take the kingship in Egypt, and thereby kindled a great war. For Nectanebos, who had been appointed by the king commander of the soldiers from Egypt and had been sent from Phoenicia to besiege the cities in Syria, after approving of his father's designs, solicited the officers with bribes and the common soldiers with promises, and so prevailed upon them to be his accomplices. At last Egypt was seized by the insurgents, and Tachos, panic stricken, made bold to go up to the King by way of Arabia and beg forgiveness for his past errors. Artaxerxes not only cleared him of the charges against him but even appointed him general in the war against Egypt.
93. Shortly after, the King of Persia died, having ruled 43 years, and Ochus, who now assumed a new name, Artaxerxes, succeeded to the kingdom and ruled 23 years; for since the first Artaxerxes had ruled well and had shown himself altogether peace-loving and fortunate, the Persians changed the names of those who had ruled after him and prescribed that they should bear that name. When King Tachos had returned to the army of Agesilaus, Nectanebos, who had collected more than a hundred thousand men, came against Tachos and challenged him to fight a battle for the kingship. Now Agesilaus, observing that the king was terrified and lacked the courage to risk a battle, bade him take heart.
... Afterwards Tachos easily recovered the Egyptian kingship, and Agesilaus, as the one who had single-handed restored his kingdom, was honored with appropriate gifts. On his way back to his native land by way of Cyrene Agesilaus died, and his body packed in honey was conveyed to Sparta where he received kingly burial and honor.
Conclusion: In conventional chronology we find that according to the `History' of Diodorus
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