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Original Historical Documents
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The Old Kingdom From Abraham to Hezekiah -A historical and stratigraphical revision by Damien Mackey - December, 2002 |
Introduction This Excursus will be divided up into the following sections for what I consider to be significant historical epochs from Abraham to king Hezekiah, approximately 2000-700 BC:
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A: B: C: D: E: F: |
Abraham Egypt's 'Old & Middle Kingdoms', Moses MBI: Joshuan Conquest 1. First Babylonian Dynasty, 2. David & Solomon, 3. Thutmose III 1. Late 18th Dynasty, El-Amarna, Horemheb, Omri, Ahab, Jehu 19th Dynasty, Ramses, Merenptah, "Israel Stele", Hezekiah |
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Each section will in turn be divided into two parts: one to account for an historical revision of that period and the second, for a new stratigraphical assessment. This last has been prompted by such articles as Dr. J. Bimson's "Can There be a Revised Chronology Without a Revised Stratigraphy?" [10]. Whilst the era of Abraham is admittedly far removed from that of Hezekiah, the sequence established here (A-F) will hopefully enable for a firm historico-stratigraphical platform to be laid in preparation for a detailed study of the C8th BC Jewish king, Hezekiah. My starting with Abraham has a further purpose inasmuch as recent challenges by historians to the validity of Israel's historical record, as given in the Old Testament, tend also to commence with Abraham. Thus M. Lemonick wrote for TIME magazine [20]: "... much of what is recorded in the Bible is at best distorted, and some characters and events are probably totally fictional. Most scholars suspect that Abraham, Isaac and Jacob ... never existed". In a similar vein, professor Gunnar Heinsohn of the University of Bremen has written [30]: Mainstream scholars are in the process of deleting Ancient Israel from the history books. The entire period from Abraham the Patriarch in the -21st century (fundamentalist date) to the flowering of the Divided Kingdom in the -9th century (fundamentalist date) is found missing in the archaeological record. .... This revision will cover "the entire period" referred to here by Heinsohn, plus about a century more; all eras to be checked against "the archaeological record". Abraham was often the starting point in ancient Israelite literature when one recounted that nation's history. For instance Achior, in the Book of Judith, commenced with Abraham when, in response to Holofernes' question about the identity of the Israelites, he basically summarised their history for the benefit of his Assyrian commander-in-chief (ch.5). Stephen protomartyr did the same, commencing with Abraham, when confronted by the Jews who were about to stone him (Acts 7). That even in today's troubled world Abraham is considered to have a significant relevance is apparent from the fact that, ironically, TIME magazine for September 30, 2002, features the Patriarch on its cover, with these words: "ABRAHAM. Muslims, Christians and Jews all claim him as their father. A new book explores the challenge of turning him into their peacemaker". Switching now to stratigraphy, we find that efforts to determine the precise level for a given era can be fraught with difficulties. The tendency has been to group eras against a neat progression of archaeological ages in Palestine: firstly, the Stone Ages, Palaeolithic to Chalcolithic, and then the dynastic ages: the Early Bronze Age [EBA], Middle Bronze Age [MBA], Late Bronze Age [LBA], Iron Age, based largely on the type of pottery found at the various levels. These ages are in turn subdivided: e.g. the Palaeolithic into Lower (Acheulean), Middle (Mousterian) & Upper (Aurignacian), etc.; and the Bronze and Iron Ages into I, II, III and even IA IB etc. This convenient linear arrangement - so typical of modern dating methods - though having its undoubted usage, is not entirely lacking in artificiality, and can often be found wanting. A strong example of this I think can be given here in regard to the famous 'flood' level at ancient Ur in southern Mesopotamia: the town that many designate as being Abraham's actual birthplace. R. Milton gives this assessment of the massive scale of this flood as uncovered by Sir Leonard Woolley at Ur [120]: "The extent of the Sumerian flood was very substantial: a deposit 8 feet thick, covering an area of some 400 miles long by 100 miles wide - a total of many billions of tons of material". Common sense tells us that a flood of this magnitude must have affected other cities in the region as well. Yet archaeologists insist that the Ur flood did not reach even Eridu, a mere 20 kilometres from Ur, and situated at a level lower than Ur. Nor, according to Seton Lloyd, is the Ur flood to be co-ordinated with other massive flood evidence elsewhere in the region, since [150]: ... clean strata of water-borne sand or clay appeared in stratigraphical contexts which varied in time from the 'Ubaid period at Ur to the end of the Early Dynastic phase at Kish. At Farah (Shuruppak), however, a stratum of this sort occurs at the end of Early Dynastic I .... Clearly the linear approach has failed here and needs to be replaced, perhaps by more of a pond ripple effect stratigraphically. Throughout this article we shall come across other examples of how a strictly linear approach to stratigraphy can lead to severe anomalies and a failure to link contemporary peoples and events. Kathleen Kenyon, though an adherent of conventional dating, has been critical of the purely linear approach in regard to the Stone Ages in Palestine, strongly recommending an overlap of several of these phases [160]: In trying to fit into place the cultures these communities represent, we should learn a lesson from the progress of research in European prehistory. Earlier European scholars tried to place each culture observed into a regular sequence. Now it is recognised that many cultures represent regional developments, and several may have existed side by side. The older sequence-method tended to produce very inflated chronologies, which have had to be considerably reduced now that the picture has become more coherent. This we should bear in mind in trying to piece together the jigsaw puzzle which our present state of knowledge in Palestine represents, and in fact some of the new pieces of the jigsaw ... do suggest that the whole picture will eventually portray a number of groups of people living side by side each with their own distinctive culture, but with just enough links with other groups to suggest contemporaneity. Finally it must be said, in regard to Abraham and the stratigraphical record, that the peaceful and relatively small migration of Abraham and his tribe into Palestine is not really an ideal starting point from a stratigraphical point of view. One would not expect such a migration to yield anywhere near the same abundance of data as will the much larger invasion later by the Israelites under Joshua, when many cities were said to be violently destroyed; a situation that can easily be tested by the archaeologists. This last comment should apply also to the Exodus event. Thus it will be the Exodus and Joshuan Conquest periods (B & C), more than those of Abraham and the others, that will be the stratigraphical anchor. But historically we begin with Abraham.
A: Abraham [See: Genealogies]
History
That it is quite reckless to dismiss Abraham lightly as an historical figure should already be apparent from references to him and other patriarchs in the ancient Ebla documents. It should become even more apparent from evidence given below from various ancient Mesopotamian king lists that show an intimate connection amongst (a) the descendants of Abraham (b) the first Assyrian kings and (c) the ancestors of Hammurabi. Before we study these lists, however, we shall take a look at the era that the Book of Genesis sets for Abraham, and who the Bible says were his contemporaries all the way from Mesopotamia to Egypt, since we shall encounter some of these names again in the Mesopotamian lists.[170]
Genesis 14 describes a razzia by a coalition of four kings, one of whom is Chedorlaomer king of Elam in his "fourteenth year", against various peoples inhabiting Palestine who had rebelled against the king of Elam after having served him for 12 years. This coalition included Amraphel of Shinar (later Babylonia), Arioch of Ellasar and Tidal of the Goim. Amraphel was long thought to be Hammurabi [Hammurapi] of what is known as the First Babylonian Dynasty, as the names are considered to be linguistically matchable. But this idea no longer holds any interest with Hammurabi now dated to the early C18th BC.
In D below, I shall re-date Hammurabi even centuries later than this.
The four kings, who firstly subdued the Rephaim, Zuzim, Emim, nations of giants, and the Horites, in southern Palestine, then successfully attacked the Amalekites and Amorites. Next they warred against a coalition of five southern Palestinian kings, four of whom are named: Bera of Sodom, Birsha of Gomorrah, Shinab of Admar, Shemeber of Zeboiim and the king of Bela (or Zoar). The kings faced off in the Valley of Siddim - which later became the Dead Sea (14:3) - which was full of bitumen pits, and these were the downfall of the local coalition.[200]
Amongst the booty taken by the eastern kings was Abram's nephew, Lot (14:12).
Three Amorites are named as Abram's allies at the time: Mamre, Eshcol and Aner (v.13).
Salem, the site of Jerusalem, was in those days ruled by the priest-king, Melchizedek, who - according to Jewish tradition - was none other than Shem, son of Noah. This would account for Abram's reverence for Melchizedek, who blessed Abram after the latter had routed the four kings at Dan and recovered his nephew, Lot (vv.14:15 & 17-20).
Abram's relatives who had remained in Haran, in Syrian Mesopotamia, included his father Terah, and his brothers, Nahor and Haran, father of Lot, Milcah and Iscah (11:27, 29). Nahor's wife, Milcah, gave birth to Uz, Buz, Kemuel the father of Aram, Chesed, Hazo, Pildash, Jidlaph and Bethuel. His concubine's children are also named (22:20-24).
Abram's wife, of course, was Sarai (later Sarah) (11:29).
When the family first came into Palestine, before famine drove them on to Egypt, the Canaanites [230] were in the land (12:6).
We are not told the name of the pharaoh in Egypt during a time of famine who took the lovely Sarai into his house, for which plagues eventually fell upon Egypt (12:14-17). If I am right in my estimation in B that the patriarch Joseph belonged to the 3rd dynasty era, and Moses to the 4th dynasty, then Abram who was Joseph's great-grandfather must have belonged to Egypt's very early dynastic period. This view will be strengthened in the Stratigraphy section. What tightens the situation, somewhat, is Dr. D. Courville's convincing argument, using "eight lines of evidence", that the 1st and 3rd Egyptian dynasties were actually, in part, contemporaneous [250] & [255].
When Abram returned to Palestine from Egypt, not only the Canaanites, but now also the Perizzites, lived in the land (13:7).
The ageing Abram was getting concerned because he was childless, Eliezer of Damascus being heir of his house (15:2). So Abram took the Egyptian, Hagar, as his wife, and she gave birth to Ishmael, who would become the father of Nebaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, Mibsam, Mishma, Dumah, Massa, Hada, Tema, Jetur, Naphish and Kedemah (cf. 16:3 & 25:12-18).
After Lot and his daughters fled from Sodom, the daughters gave birth to Moab and Ben-Ammi, who became the fathers, respectively, of the Moabites and Ammonites (19:30-38).
The king of Gerar, Abimelech [280], also fell for Sarah, and suffered temporary affliction as a result (20:1-18). Abimelech's commander was called Phicol (21:22).
Finally Sarah conceived and gave birth to the promised child, Isaac (21:1-3), who would become part of the great patriarchal trio of Abraham, Isaac and (the prolific) Jacob/Israel.
When Sarah died, Abraham bought a burial place for her the cave in the field at Machpelah, he aquired this land from Ephron the Hittite (ch.23).
Isaac married Rebekah, daughter of Bethuel (ch. 24), whose brother was Laban (24:29).
Abraham, in his old age, took another wife, Keturah, who bore him Zimran, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak and Shuah. Jokshan became the father of Sheba and Dedan. The sons of Dedan were Asshurim, Letushim and Leummim. The sons of Midian were Ephah, Epher, Hanoch, Abida and Eldaah (25:1-4).
All in all, many people, from different nations and regions, are named in Genesis as being contemporaries of the patriarch Abraham.
Ebla [Tell Mardikh]
The city of Ebla, discovered in 1973, is considered to be perhaps the oldest of Syrian cities. Its 20,000 cuneiform tablets are currently dated to the mid-late C3rd millennium BC. That Ebla has considerable relevance in regard to Abraham and his vast family, and ancestors, is apparent from the following account given in Collier's Encyclopedia [330]:
The Eblaites had close connections with the Hebrews, like themselves a Semitic people. Many of the personal names recorded on the tablets, such as Abram, Israel, Ismael, Michael, Micaiah, Esau, Saul, and David, are similar to Biblical names. It is also possible that Eber, an ancestor of Abraham, was in fact Ebla's great king, Ebrium. ....
H. Storck commences his important article, "The Early Assyrian King List ... and the 'Greater Amorite' Tradition" with the following explanation [360]:
The Assyrian Kinglist (AKL) is one of the most important chronographic texts ever uncovered. Initially it was thought to represent a long unbroken tradition of rulership over Assyria. A closer look at the AKL by Benno Landsberger (1890-1968) ... however, dispelled this somewhat facile approach to AKL tradition. Subsequent studies by Kraus ... and Finkelstein ... have demonstrated a common underlying Amorite tradition between parts of the AKL and the Genealogy of Hammurapi (GHD). Portions of this section of the AKL containing 17 tent-dwelling kings have also been compared to biblical ... and Ugaritic ... Amorite traditions.
Storck's purpose will be "to take a closer look at the 17 Assyrian tent dwellers and the greater Amorite tradition, as evidenced primarily in the genealogy of the Hammurapi Dynasty and other minor traditions" [380]. The names of all 17 tent-dwelling kings are preserved in various lists. They are:
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1. Tudija 3. Janqi 5. Harharu 7. Imsu 10. Hanu 12. Nuabu 14. Belu 16. Ushpia |
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2. Adamu 4. Sahlamu 6. Mandaru 9. Didanu 11. Zuabu 13. Abazu 15. Azarah 17. Apiashal |
What is striking is that many of these names can be linked with names in the GHD, which gives the names in couplet form. Thus, for example, names 3 & 4, Janqi(Janqu) & Sahlamu are given in GHD as Ya-am-qu-us-ha-lam-ma. Name 11, Zuabu, may be connected with Sumuabi, an ancestor of Hammurabi. Thus Herbert A. Storck [400]: Poebel sought to connect the name with Su-mu-a-bi, the name of the first king of the first dynasty of Babylon, even though in our list it is written with the sign ZU. .... Kraus, however, expressed his personal doubts as to whether this would work .... But in a recently published fragment of this portion of the AKL (E) this name was indeed written with an initial SU for ZU, thus supporting Poebel's contention somewhat. "Nevertheless, the genealogy edited by J.J. Finkelstein has Zu-um-ma-bu in the apparently parallel line, hinting that the reverse may be the case. The presence of ma as restored eases the interpretation of the name Sumu-abu" .... Storck concludes the first part of his study by claiming that: "Nine of the 17 tent-dwelling AKL kings can reasonably be identified with GHD ancestors of Hammurapi. This would appear to be sufficient to establish that these two genealogies drew upon a common `Amorite' tradition." [420] He has also found various important connections with name 9, Didanu [430]:
This name is mentioned in the pre-Sargonic inscriptions of Lagash; it appears to be the oldest known West Semitic (WS) tribal name ... and is almost synonymous with Amurru ....
Storck, "in the light of these interconnecting pieces of evidence", proceeds to consider the biblical genealogies [440]: The first is Genesis 25:2-4 .... Here late in life Abraham takes a second wife by the name of Keturah. This name is definitely cognate with the Arabian tribal name Qetura .... But couched here in the language of physical relationships appears to be an ancestor line reminiscent of AKL and GHD. Keturah bore Abraham the following sons (partially excerpted):
Keturah > Jokshan - Medan - Midian - Ishbak - Shuah Poebel pointed out that there exists "at least the possibility that these Assurim, a subdivision of the better known tribe of Dedan, are in some way connected with the Assyrian nomads" .... Storck, who had previously argued that personal names can be used to denote tribal names and toponyms, shows how three of these names from the Genesis list may be treated in the same way, to forge a connection with AKL names [450]:
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A. Dedan = B. Hanoch = C. Ishbak = |
Didanu Hanu Ushpia |
AKL 9 AKL 10 AKL 16 |
Other names in the AKL seem to occur in place names that we referred to above, at the time of Abraham, in regard to the Genesis 14 conflict between the coalitions of kings in the Valley of Siddim, and would as Storck says, "almost seem to force the concept of partial contemporaneity [of the tent-dwelling kings] upon our sometimes reluctant minds" [470]. These are Admah (Adamu)[Joshua 19:36], Zeboim (Zuabu)[Nehemiah 11:34] and Bela (Belu)[Genesis 14:2; Zoar?], names that, as we saw, also occur in the Ebla tablets as actual trading partners with that Syrian city.
With the great dispersion from Babel identified in the Stratigraphy section below with the Jemdat Nasr period - and with this period in turn marking the beginning of the dynastic era in Egypt (EBI) - we would expect that Abram, who came several generations after the dispersion, must have arrived in Egypt after that country's dynastic period had well and truly begun. Yet, based on what I am now going to suggest, the 1st Egyptian dynasty so-called was in fact contemporaneous with the era of Abram's g/grandson, Joseph. So the question becomes: How can Abram be fitted into Egypt's dynastic era?.
I firstly give the following explanation of why I think the 1st dynasty belonged to the time of Joseph:
To begin with, I accept Dr. D. Courville's convincing argument, using what he calls "eight lines of evidence", that the 1st and 3rd dynasties were contemporaneous [480]. One of Courville's eight links is that the famine of Uenephes of the 1st dynasty is to be synchronised with the famine at the time of Zoser, a 3rd dynasty king. Now I also accept the view of certain revisionists [485] that Zoser's famous vizier, Imhotep, was Joseph. Imhotep, according to a late tradition, alerted pharaoh Zoser to a coming seven-year famine (cf. Genesis 40:27) [500].
So, where are we to look for a portion of Egyptian dynastic history in which Abram can be accommodated? The answer, I believe, lies with another aspect of Courville's revision, according to which Egypt's Old and Middle Kingdoms were contemporaneous. I shall be discussing this in B, where I shall be going into some detail regarding prince Moses' association with both the 4th dynasty (Old Kingdom) and the 12th dynasty (Middle Kingdom). There, too, I shall suggest that Joseph of the 1st/3rd dynasty (Old Kingdom) may also have been contemporaneous with Egypt's 11th dynasty (Middle Kingdom). Now, since this arrangement leaves us with no Old Kingdom dynasties in which to locate Abram, can we find his era in one of the pre-11th dynasties: either the 9th or the 10th?
We would not expect Abram to have left the same sort of mark upon Egypt as did Joseph, or Moses. His stay there would have been relatively brief, and he held no position of power in Egypt. Even the plagues that followed the incident of pharaoh's taking Sarai into his palace were said to have afflicted only pharaoh and his house, not all of Egypt.
There is a somewhat obscure incident in 10th dynasty history, associated with pharaoh Wahkare Khety III and the nome of Thinis [510], that may possibly relate to the biblical incident. It should be noted firstly that Khety III is considered to have had to restore order in Egypt after a general era of violence and food shortage, brought on says N. Grimal by "the onset of a Sahelian climate, particularly in eastern Africa" [520]. Moreover, Khety III's "real preoccupation was with northern Egypt, which he succeeded in liberating from the occupying populations of Bedouin and Asiatics" [525]. Could these eastern nomads have been the famine-starved Syro-Palestinians of Abram's era - including the Hebrews themselves - who had been forced to flee to Egypt for sustenance? And was Khety III referring to the Sarai incident when, in his famous Instruction addressed to his son, Merikare, he recalled, in regard to Thinis (ancient seat of power in Egypt):
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Lo, a shameful deed occurred in my time: The nome of This was ravaged; Though it happened through my doing, I learned it after it was done.[Emphasis added].
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Cf. Genesis 12:17-19: But the Lord afflicted Pharaoh and his house with great plagues because of Sarai .... So Pharaoh called Abram, and said, 'What is this you have done to me? Why did you not tell me that she was your wife? Why did you say, 'She is my sister'? so that I took her for my wife? Now then, here is your wife, take her, and be gone'. Identifying the Era of Abraham Against Mesopotamian History (The Four Kings) Storck's identification of the name 16, Ushpia (Ishbak), with the "Ushpia ... known to have built at Ashur, according to a later tradition by Shalmaneser", and his dating of this Ushpia "as a later contemporary of Abraham ... [to] the later part of Ur III dynasty" now encourages me to try to identify members of the Mesopotamian coalition of Genesis 14 during Ur III, at the time of Abraham. Since Storck has already dealt with these four kings in part, I shall begin where he does, with Arioch of Ellasar [550]:
A certain Arioch of Ellasar, furthermore, is cited as one of the four kings against five. This Arioch may provisionally be identified with Azarah if "WRH" moon (month) is closer to the original etymology. Ellasar has received various treatments over the years: Larsa al sarri or "city of the King", Til Assuri, "the country of Assyria" and/or "the city of Assur .... Now in the later part of the Ur III dynasty era - the era for Abraham according to Storck's view - at the time of Amar-Sin of Ur (c.2046-2038 BC, conventional dating), we read of an official of Ashur who may well be this Arioch/Azarah. He is Zariqum. I quote regarding him from the Cambridge Ancient History [570]: From Ashur itself comes a stone tablet dedicated by Zariqum, calling himself governor of Ashur, 'for the life of Amar-Sin the mighty, king of Ur, king of the four regions', whereby it is certain that Ashur was a vassal-city of Ur under its next king. The name Zariqum contains the main elements of both Arioch (ariq) and Azarah (zari), thus supporting Storck's view that these are the same names and further linking the king lists and the Bible. But this quotation may tell us more with regard to the coalition. It in fact gives us the name of the Sumerian ruler whom Zariqum served: Amar-Sin (var. Amar-Su'en). Now Amar-Sin would make an excellent candidate for Amraphel of Shinar of Genesis 14. Basically the names are the same with a different theophoric, the god El in the biblical name replaced by the moon god, Sin. Amar-Sin was a mighty king of Shinar, belonging to the very era in which Storck has placed Abraham in relation to Mesopotamia. And I happily note that the conventional Mesopotamian dates for Amar-Sin (c.2000 BC) correspond adequately enough to those usually estimated for Abram's early dwelling in Canaan.[578] A third coalitional king was Tidal. Storck identifies this with name 1, Tudija, in AKL [580]: ... Tid'al. This name is intended to represent the form Tudkhalia, ....a Hittite name, although specific identity with one of the four Hittite kings by this name cannot be suggested. That Tid'al is but a contracted form of Tudkhalia is almost universally accepted and offers no major linguistic problems. Tudija is also a contraction or hypocoristicon of some longer name .... As such it would probably constitute the Vorlage/(pattern) of Tudkhalia. Ebla seems also to refer to this name, as if belonging to a real historical person [585]: The tablets, for example, refer to a treaty between Ebla and King Dudiya of Ashur, or Assyria. A nearly identical name, Tudiya, is the first name on the Assyrian king lists .... Most likely both sources refer to the same person. Therefore, it appears that Tudiya ... and the other early Assyrian kings were real figures, a fact that scholars had previously doubted. As for Chedorlaomer, his name is certainly Elamite (e.g. Kudur-Lagmur). We know that relations between Elam and Shinar were unusually good during the early phase of Ur III. This was thanks to an initiative undertaken by the dynasty's founder [595]: "... independent states, such as Elam or Mari, ... had been drawn into the sphere of influence of Ur by a policy of matrimonial alliances introduced by Ur-Nammu at Mari and pursued by [his successor] Shulgi elsewhere." Shulgi was the father of Amar-Sin. There is no known powerful Elamite ruler though at this time. Two initial points to consider. 1. Chedorlaomer was not necessarily the most powerful figure in the coalition, as his name is mentioned only third amongst the kings in Genesis 14:1. Whilst he ruled Elam, he may not necessarily have been an Elamite, but may have been a governor (ensi) of the region set up by either Shulgi or Amar-Sin, just as Zariqum (Arioch) served as governor of Ashur for Amar-Sin. 2, The Sumerian empire, now at its zenith, transformed conquered countries [620]: ... into provinces and put [them] under a civilian governor (ensi) or a military governor (sagin in Sumerian, shakkanakkum in Akkadian), often of local origin; this was the case with Susa [Elam], Assur and probably a great portion of Northern Mesopotamia .... Finally, in the heart of the kingdom (Sumer and Akkad), the former city-states were now treated as provinces. The only lugal was the King of Ur, and the once proud ensi had become mere administrators appointed by him to maintain order, dispense justice, implement royal instructions concerning public works and collect duties and taxes. This scenario may be the key to our understanding the Genesis 14 coalitional structure. More than likely, then, were three of the coalitional 'kings' actually ensi in the Sumerian empire, servants of the mighty, self-deified king, Amar-Sin. Chedorlaomer, though, becomes the central figure of the coalition in regard to the revolt of the Amorites and others in the west (Genesis 14:4,5). This is perhaps because his jurisdiction as a tax collector for the Sumerian king extended to this region of the empire, as well as including the province of Elam. Certainly an extensive portfolio! My suggestion for the historical identity of Chedorlaomer is the amazing and mysterious Gudea (Kudur?) of the city-state of Lagash; a province which, geographically, would have been a perfect base from which to govern Elam. Though conventionally dated to just before the Ur III dynasty, there seems to be nothing really solid to fix Gudea to this point chronologically. Gudea's building works rivalled those of the prolific Ur-Nammu himself [650] & [653]: "... we know of a city not far from the [Ur] where a grandiose building programm was carried out by the local ruler with truly royal magnificence: this was Lagash under its famous ensi Gudea (c. 2141-2122 B.C.)." Gudea built, or rebuilt, at least fifteen temples in the province of Lagash; the most famous one in Girsu. Interestingly, this last was built with Elamite labour [670]: "From Elam came the Elamites, from Susa the Susians. Magan and Meluhha collected timber from their mountains ... and Gudea brought them together in his town of Girsu." Moreover, the only military campaign we know that Gudea undertook was in the region of Elam, in Anshan, from where he collected his labour force and materials. [680]
"Gudea, the great en-priest of Ningirsu, made a path into the Cedar mountains which nobody had entered before; he cut its cedars with great axes ... Like giant snakes, cedars were floating down the water (of the river)." The west would thus have held a fascination for the Sumerian king and his ensi. A proposed structure for the coalition, perfectly in accordance with the times, is Amar-Sin (Amraphel), as a great king, with his governors in "Susa [Elam]", namely Gudea (Chedorlaomer), "Assur" (Arioch) "and ... a great portion of Northern Mesopotamia" (Tidal)/Tudiya, the first, tent-dwelling, ruler of the Assurim - Assyrian peoples (Goim). Amar-Sin and his father are known to have fought in a region that provided asphalt [720], which may too explain the coalition's attraction to the bitumen pits of the Valley of Siddim. In fact one of the places attained by the Ur III kings - and so far not positively identified - has the name, Khumurti, very much like Gomorrah itself. It was a time of peace for Mesopotamia, with the empire consolidated under Amar-Sin, who was thus able to devote much of his ample revenue to temples and public edifices. But the peace was to be short-lived. Already, by the fourth year of Amar-Sin's brother and successor, Shu-Sin, we find the king of Ur having to build a wall to keep out the Amorites; the very people whose lands the coalition had previously invaded, and who were now apparently seeking revenge. With Amar-Sin now solidly identified as Abram's contemporary, Amraphel, there is the strong possibility that Amar-Sin's grandfather, Ur-Nammu (c.2112-2095 BC, conventional dating [760]), the founder of the Ur III dynasty - renowned for his conquests, but especially for his building of massive stage-tower ziggurats or 'towers unto heaven' - was the legendary Nimrod himself (Nimrod = Nammu-Ur?) of 'Babel' (Ur? Borsippa?) fame, about two generations before the era of Abraham. Some have suggested that Nimrod was Enmerkar (N-M-R) of Early Dynastic II (c.2750 BC, conventional), builder of Uruk I (Erech) (cf. Genesis 10:10) [770], and that Enmeberagesi of Kish I (c.2700 BC) has some likenesses to Amraphel. Both may be possible, meaning that Ur III belonged to early Mesopotamian dynastic history. Gudea claimed to have been the first person to have penetrated the Cedar mountains. Now I think that Enmakar was Enoch, the son of Cain, himself and Gilgamesh was the colorful polygamist Lamech (Lamesh, Gen. 4&5). [780] Ur Nammu emerges then pretty solid as Nimrod. Traces of the destruction wrought by the four kings can be found in the Chalcolithic period. Dr. J. Osgood argued this in a clinching piece of archaeological evidence [800]:
As is often the case, the positive clue comes from the most insignificant portion of the passage. In Genesis 14:7 we are told that the [four] kings of Mesopotamia attacked "the Amorites who dwelt in Hazezon-tamar".'
Now 2 Chronicles 20:2 tells us that Hazezon-tamar is En-gedi, the oasis mentioned in Scripture a number of times on the western shore of the Dead Sea. The passage in Genesis chapter 14, therefore, allows us to conclude that in the days of Abraham there was a civilization in En-gedi ..., a civilization of Amorites, and that these were defeated by Chedorlaomer in his passage northward. Happily for us, Chalcolithic settlements in Tuleilat al Ghussul, north-east of the Dead Sea, Jericho, Masada and En-gedi have been excavated. The excavations found only three major periods of settlement in En-gedi and its larger area:-
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1. The Roman period - not relevant here. 2. During the Kingdom of Israel - not relevant here. 3. During the Chalcolithic of Palestine - "the largest and most prolific settlement period." |
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Osgood rightly concludes, therefore, that this Chalcolithic settlement must be the one that dates to the time of Abraham and the invasion by the four Mesopotamian kings. This is another huge argument against the linear approach to stratigraphy. It tells us that, whilst sophisticated kingdoms and cities may be in place in one part of the world (e.g. the Ur III kingdom in Mesopotamia), those in other places may be living so basic an existence as to be classified according to a late Stone Age culture. Courville has in turn identified the Jemdat Nasr period of expansion westwards - and the corresponding EB I in Egypt - with the event of dispersion that the Bible describes subsequent to the Tower of Babel incident [850]:
The beginning of Early Bronze I in the late predynastic [860] period of Egypt is tied in unmistakable fashion to Mesopotamian history for the period known as Jemdet Nasr. ... It is to be noted that, as in Egypt, so in Mesopotamia the Jemdet Nasr era marks the beginnings of dynastic history. Hence the point marks a widespread trend toward nationalism, as is to be expected following the Dispersion incident. Of this era, Piggot wrote:
... We are now approaching so near to the recorded history and king-lists of Mesopotamia that we can give an approximate date in years for the Jemdet Nasr - about 3000 B.C. [sic] - for it was followed by the period of the early Dynasties.
The correlation of the beginning of Early Bronze I with the Dispersion from Babel becomes reasonably complete if evidence is at hand to indicate that the short-lived Jemdet Nasr culture of Mesopotamia and other contemporary cultures became scattered over the area of the then known world.
.... If one can free his thinking from the strangle-hold of popular opinion, the evidences become overwhelming that the beginning of Early Bronze I marks the point of the Dispersion as recorded in the scriptural accounts.
The magnitude of the migration of cultures at this point has been such as to call forth expressions of some astonishment on the part of scholars. .... Albright wrote:
... Towards the end of the fourth millennium [sic] there must have been an exceedingly intensive transfusion of culture going on in the Near and Middle East. Syria and Palestine naturally became the cultural intermediaries through which Mesopotamian influences streamed into Egypt in the period just before the First Dynasty, as has been demonstrated particularly by Frankfort and Scharff. [Emphasis ours]. ... Garstang: ... In Palestine many great Canaanite cities have been shown by archaeological studies to date their origins from these times, such as Hazor, Taanak and Megiddo, on the north-eastern trade route, and Shechem, Beeroth and Jerusalem in the hill country to the south; and probably the same is true of most of the cities of the plains. Moreover, "the Early Bronze practice of multiple burials in large caves" [880] matches perfectly the form of burial opted for by the early Hebrew patriarchs, in the cave of Machpelah that Abraham had bought from the Hittites. There Sarah had first been buried. (Cf. Genesis 23:9,17,19; 25:9; 49:30).
The above revision, based on the life of Abraham, demands a massive stratigraphical re-organisation of Mesopotamia, both internally and in its relation to Syro-Palestine and Egypt. B: Egypt's 'Old & Middle Kingdoms' Moses History TIME magazine: "... many doubt the tales of slavery in Egypt and the Exodus ..." [1010]. The linear approach has really caused chaos for this period of history, too, leading the Egyptologists to split into two major kingdoms what was in reality only one, separating the beginning of the 'Old Kingdom' from the beginning of the 'New Kingdom' by about 700 years. And splitting into two the one intermediate period that followed the one kingdom. Fortunately Courville, in his systematic revision of Egyptian history [1020], recognised this most unfortunate mistake, and was able to 'put Humpty Dumpty together again', in a rough sort of fashion. The following table shows the extent of Courville's revision:
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| Conventional | Courville (Revised) |
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Old Kingdom (c.2700-2200) (EBIII) First Intermediate (c. 2200-2040) Middle Kingdom (2040-1674) (MBI)
Second Intermediate (c. 1674-1553) (MBIIB) |
Old Kingdom - Middle Kingdom (c.2000-) (EBII-III) First & Second Intermediates (c.1500-1050) (MBI-MBIIB) |
Having, as one again, the Old & Middle kingdoms - and the First & Second Intermediate periods - one can begin to solve certain historical difficulties and anomalies. For instance,
this new scenario serves to dissolve the problem for Egyptologists of how the Old Kingdom pyramids were built when the technology for this was not available until the Middle Kingdom.[1040] And again, who were the mysterious vandals who tore apart the Old Kingdom at its end? Answer: Just go to the end of the Middle Kingdom and check. (Or see Here). And, most relevant to Moses, we find that whilst one expert (Professor E. Anati) insists that the Old Kingdom is the perfect backdrop for the Exodus event, another (Dr. R. Cohen) is equally convinced that the event would have occurred concurrent with the Middle Kingdom's 12th Dynasty. In this revision both views can be accommodated.Here I do not intend the massive task of writing a complete interweaving synchronisation of all the dynasties of the Old Kingdom (1-6) and Middle Kingdoms (11-13), as well as the intermediate dynasties. Instead I shall employ a simple technique. I shall use Prince Moses as my unifying principle. This will enable me to forge a strong connection of contemporaneity between two very famous dynasties in particular: the Old Kingdom's 4th dynasty of pyramid building and the Middle Kingdom's expansive 12th dynasty. Now, locating the young Moses to the 4th dynasty fits well with others' placement of the patriarch Joseph in the 3rd dynasty, since Joseph can be estimated to have died about 60 years before Moses was born. [1050] And locating Moses also to the 12th dynasty is going to fit well with the 11th dynasty identification of Joseph that I shall now propose. The 11th dynasty is problematical. Courville has devoted a whole chapter to what he has called "The Enigma of Manetho's XIth Dynasty" [1060], in which he concludes that some of the Antefs and Mentuhoteps - the most common names featured in this dynasty - actually belonged to the late Hyksos period (17th dynasty). That may be so, at least in regard to the Antefs. But there are also aspects of the early 11th dynasty that, when combined, might lead to the conclusion that this was the very era of Joseph, concurrent with the 3rd dynasty. I refer to (i) a severe famine; (ii) a king-like vizier; and (iii) the unification of Egypt. W. Shea, who has written a book on famines in Egypt [1070], locates one particular famine to the time of Mentuhotep I of the 11th dynasty. This very same famine, Courville had attributed to the time of Sesostris I of the 12th dynasty. G. Gammon, in his review of Shea's book, distinguishes between Courville's and Shea's interpretations [1090]: Of the twenty [famines] which Shea reviews, he attributes eight to the "Dark Age" immediately following the collapse of the Old Kingdom ... nine to the period from the Dark Age to the reunification of Egypt under Mentuhotep I; and one apiece to Mentuhotep I, the interregnum between 11th and 12th Dynasties and Senwosret [Sesostris] I. He follows Vandier in attributing the stela of Mentuhotep to the reign of Mentuhotep I. It is of interest that, in his reconstruction of early Egyptian history, Donovan Courville accepted F.L. Griffiths' attribution of this text to the reign of Senwosret I and used it, together with the famine text in the tomb of the nomarch Ameny, to support his argument that Joseph's famine took place under this 12th Dynasty king. Courville had rightly sensed that the vizier Mentuhotep had all the credentials for Joseph; but he wrongly made him the vizier of Sesostris I [1100], when instead Mentuhotep had served as vizier during the 11th dynasty's unification of Egypt. The vizier was a virtual king, according to J. Breasted [1110]: "... the powerful vizier Mentuhotep ... the account which he could give of himself ... reads like the declaration of the king's powers". In regard to this testimony, Courville referred to Genesis 41:41-43 concerning the king-like status of Joseph. Continuing on with Courville's fascinating account of the power of this Vizier supreme, we read [1120]: Speaking of Mentuhotep, Brugsch commented: In a word, our Mentuhotep, who was also invested with several priestly dignities, and was Pharaoh's treasurer, appears as the alter ego of the king. "When he arrived, the great personages bowed down before him at the outer door of the royal palace". [Emphasis ours] An examination of the inscriptions relative to Mentuhotep, which gave rise to the remarkable statements of Breasted, shows us that Mentuhotep carried, among others, the following titles: "Vizier, Chief Judge, Overseer of the Double Granary, Chief Treasurer, Governor of the Royal Castle, Wearer of the Royal Seal, Chief of all the works of the King, Hereditary Prince, Pilot of the People, Giver of Good-Sustaining Alive the People, Count, Sole Companion, Favorite of the King". .... We compare these with the titles ascribed to Joseph in Scripture where he is "Lord of the Land", "Father of Pharaoh", "Lord of all his House", and "Ruler throughout the Land of Egypt" .... We are told that Pharaoh gave Joseph the name, Zaphenath-paneah (Genesis 41:45), which A. Yahuda interprets as Egyptian df (=df3) n t3 pw 'nh = Hebrew Hnf p t n pc, meaning `jefa en ta pew ankh', "food, sustenance of the land is the living", or "is this living one". [1150] We should expect Joseph to have ruled Egypt for many decades, since he was 30 years of age when he entered pharaoh's service and he lived until the age of 110 (cf. Genesis 41:46 & 50:22). A floruit in Egypt of half a century would not be unreasonable for him. Since Joseph the Vizier held pharaonic-like powers throughout Egypt, there now emerges the possibility that the 11th dynasty was in fact the dynasty of Joseph, and that Joseph was at once the 11th dynasty's
(i) Mentuhotep I, who unified Egypt;The element, -hotep, is common to Imhotep [1170] and Mentuhotep: i.e. Joseph. It is also common to the sage, Ptahhotep [1180] - variously assigned to the 3rd and 5th dynasties - who, like Joseph, lived to be 110 years of age, and whose writings resemble parts of the Proverbs. It would not be suprising if different theophorics were attached to Joseph's name, according to geographical location. Thus Ptah at Memphis, Mentu at Thebes, Ra at Heliopolis, etc., etc., as was Egyptian custom. The long reign of a particular ruler seems to cause Egyptologists to duplicate that sovereign, as I have just argued may have been the case with Mentuhotep of the 11th dynasty, and as I shall argue was the case with both Amenemes and Sesostris of the 12th dynasty (see further on), and Rameses II of the 19th dynasty (see F). Synthesising the 4th & 12th Dynasties 4th Dynasty From the 4th dynasty, we gain certain elements that are relevant to the early career of Moses. Firstly we have a strong founder-king, Cheops (Egyptian Khufu), builder of the great pyramid at Giza [1210], who would be a good candidate for "the new king" during the infancy of Moses who set the Israelite slaves to work with crushing labour (Exodus 1:8). This would support the testimony of Josephus that the Israelites built pyramids for the pharaohs, and it would explain from whence came the abundance of manpower for pyramid building. Cheap slave labour.
The widespread presence of Asiatics in Egypt at the time would help to explain the large number of Israelites said to be in the land. Pharaoh would have used as slaves other Syro-Palestinians, too, plus Libyans and Nubians. As precious little though is known of Cheops [1230], despite his being powerful enough to build one of the Seven Wonders of the World, we shall need to fill him out later with his 12th dynasty alter ego. In Cheops' daughter, Mer-es-ankh [III], we have the Merris of tradition who retrieved the baby Moses from the water. The name Mer-es-ankh consists basically of two elements, Meres and ankh, the latter being the 'life' symbol for Egypt worn by people even today. Mer-es-ankh married Chephren (Egyptian, Ka-kheper-re), builder of the second Giza pyramid and probably of the Great Sphinx. He thus became Moses' f/father-in-law. Chephren is the Chenephres of tradition [1240]. Prince Moses, now a thorough-going 'Egyptian' (cf. Exodus 2:19), must have been his loyal subject. "Now Moses was taught all the wisdom of the Egyptians and became a man of power both in his speech and in his actions." (Acts 7:22) Tradition has Moses leading armies for Chenephres as far as Ethiopia. Whilst this may seem a bit strained in a 4th dynasty context, we shall see that it is perfectly appropriate in a 12th dynasty one, when we uncover Chephren's alter ego. Given the presumed status of Moses in Egypt at the time, we might expect to find him, too, in the 4th dynasty history. But firstly we shall need to recover his full Egyptian name, as given to him by pharaoh's daughter (Exodus 2:9), to establish the Egyptian structure and meaning of the name: 'Moses' (Hebrew hw,m*, Moshe).
'Moses' is generally thought to be identified with the Egyptian ms (pronounced Mes), and derived from the root msy, 'conceive, give birth', in the sense of 'child, son of so-and-so'. Egyptologists point to names like Thut-mose, 'Son of [the god] Thoth' and Ra-meses, 'Son of [the god] Ra', which incorporate the ms element with the theophoric (god-name). Professor A. Yahuda [1250], however, strongly disagreed with this standard explanation, claiming that the identification of Moshe with ms, or msy, whilst "having the appearance of being in order" is in fact "very far-fetched." The whole explanation "falls to the ground", he wrote, in view of the fact that the very name 'Rameses', in which ms is held to be of the same root as the Hebrew mes in Moshe, is twice transliterated in the Exodus narrative (1:11 & 12:37), not as should be expected by Ramešes, but by Rameses. Yahuda considered it "unthinkable" that the same Egyptian word ms could be reproduced at one time as Moshe and at another as Mose, not only "in two different vocalizations but also in two sibilants [i.e. sh and s] which etymologically and phonetically are quite different."
Yahuda claimed that mw here stands metaphorically The 12th Dynasty and The Story of Sinuhe
From the 12th dynasty, we gain certain further elements that are relevant to the early career of Moses. Once again we have a strong founder-king, Amenemes I, who will enable us to fill out the virtually unknown Cheops as "the new king" of Exodus 1:8. This new ruler "knew not Joseph", not in the sense of never having heard of him (the great Imhotep, still 'known' about a millennium and a half later in Ptolemaïc times), but in the Hebrew sense of 'not knowing', presumably "The Prophecy of Neferti", relating to the time of Amenemes I, shows the same concern in Egypt for the growing presence of Asiatics in the eastern Delta as was said to occupy the mind of the new pharaoh of Exodus, seeing the Israelites as a political threat (1:9). That Asiatics were particularly abundant in Egypt at the time is apparent from the Cambridge Ancient History [1350]: "The Asiatic inhabitants of the country at this period [of the Twelfth Dynasty] must have been many times more numerous than has been generally supposed ...". D. Down gives the account of Sir Flinders Petrie who, working in the Fayyûm in 1899, made the important discovery of the town of Illahûn [Kahun], which Petrie described as "an unaltered town of the twelfth dynasty" [1355]. Of the 'Asiatic' presence in this pyramid builders' town, Rosalie David (who is in charge of the Egyptian branch of the Manchester Museum) has written [1360]: It is apparent that the Asiatics were present in the town in some numbers, and this may have reflected the situation elsewhere in Egypt. It can be stated that these people were loosely classed by Egyptians as 'Asiatics', although their exact home-land in Syria or Palestine cannot be determined ... The reason for their presence in Egypt remains unclear. Undoubtedly, the 'Asiatics' were dwelling in Illahûn largely to raise pyramids for the glory of the pharaohs. Is there any documentary evidence that 'Asiatics' in Egypt acted as slaves or servants to the Egyptians? "Evidence is not lacking to indicate that these Asiatics became slaves", Down has written with reference to the Brooklyn Papyrus [1370]. Egyptian households at this time were filled with Asiatic slaves, some of whom bore biblical names. Of the seventy-seven legible names of the servants of an Egyptian woman called Senebtisi recorded on the verso of this document, forty-eight are (like the Hebrews) NW Semitic. In fact, the name "Shiphrah" is identical to that borne by one of the Hebrew midwives whom Pharaoh had commanded to kill the male babies (Exodus 1:15). "Asian slaves, whether merchandise or prisoners of war, became plentiful in wealthy Egyptian households [prior to the New Kingdom]", we read in the Encyclopaedia Britannica. [1380] Amenemes I was represented in the 'prophecy' - as with the 'new pharaoh' of Exodus - as one who would set about rectifying the problem. To this end he completely reorganised the administration of Egypt, transferring the from Thebes in the south to Ithtowe in the north, just below the Nile Delta. He allowed those nomarchs who supported his cause to retain their power. He built on a grand scale. Egypt was employing massive slave labour, not only in the Giza area, but also in the eastern Delta region where the Israelites were said to have settled at the time of Joseph. Professor J. Breasted provided ample evidence to show that the powerful 12th dynasty pharaohs carried out an enormous building program whose centre was in the Delta region. More specifically, this building occurred in the eastern Delta region which included the very area that comprised the land of Goshen where the Israelites first settled [1390]. "... in the eastern part [of the Delta], especially at Tanis and Bubastis, ... massive remains still show the interest which the Twelfth Dynasty manifested in the Delta cities." Today, archaeologists recognise the extant remains of the construction under these kings as representing a mere fraction of the original; the major part having been destroyed by the vandalism of the New Kingdom pharaohs (such as Ramses II). The Biblical account states that: "... they made their lives bitter with hard bondage, in mortar and in brick". (Exodus 1:14). According to the Book of Exodus, not only did the Egyptians enslave the Israelites, to keep them in check, but Pharaoh even gave orders for all their male babies to be slain at birth, to stem the numbers (1:15-16). In the light of this grim episode, an intriguing aspect of Sir Flinders Petrie's discoveries was the unusual number of infant burials beneath the floors of the houses of Illahûn. Rosalie David thus describes Petrie's find [1400]: Larger wooden boxes, probably used to store clothing and other possessions, were discovered underneath the floors of many houses at Kahun. They contained babies, sometimes buried two to three to a box, and aged only a few months at death .... Internment of bodies at domestic sites was not an Egyptian custom, although such practices occurred in other areas of the ancient Near East. David Rohl [1410], moreover, has noted multiple graves in the Delta region, at Tell el-Daba during the same approximate period, had an excessively large proportion of babies: ... it was discovered that there was a higher percentage of infant burials ... than is normally found at archaeological sites of the ancient world. Sixty-five per cent of all the burials were those of children under the age of eighteen months. Based on modern statistical evidence obtained from pre-modern societies we would expect the infant mortality rate to be around twenty to thirty per cent. Could this be explained by the slaughter of the Israelite infant males by the Egyptians? Amenemes I assumed a co-regency with Sesostris I [1420], who acted as the king's deputy and was entrusted with the control of the army, responsible for Libya and Ethiopia. Also, late in his reign, Amenemes undertook campaigns into Ethiopia (Nubia), opening up to him the diorite quarries at Wadi Toshka [1430]. And he campaigned against the Bedouin in the Sinai, thereby safeguarding the turquoise mining operations at Serabit el-Khadem [1440]. It is at this point in history that the 4th and 12th dynasties can really be found to converge, thus seeming to vindicate Courville's view of the contemporaneity of the two kingdoms. For instance, Sesostris I had, as another of his names, Kheper-ka-re; a name containing the exact same elements as we had discovered in the Egyptian name of (the Greek version) Chephren [1450]. Thus, as far as names go, Sesostris I (Kheper-ka-re) is as equally likely as Chephren (Kha-kheper-re) to have been Chenephres, the traditional f/father-in-law of Moses. [Further links, associated largely with Cheops, will be argued beginning Here]. Then there is the further seemingly identifying element of Sphinx obsession in the case of 'these' prolific builders. This is quite obvious with Chephren, in his building of the Great Sphinx of Giza. And it is again obvious in the case of Sesostris I, from his building works, because he was an obsessive builder of sphinxes. For example: [1470]: Gold was brought also from mines east of Koptos and hard stone from the nearby Wãdi Hammãmãt, where, in Sesostris I's thirty-eighth year, an expedition of more than seventeen thousand men quarried the blocks for sixty sphinxes and one hundred and fifty statues. There is also the fact of the 12th dynasty's extension of empire into Ethiopia, where tradition has prince Moses playing so important a rôle. But the most likely reason for Sesostris I's being the pharaoh whom Moses last served before his flight is that the high official Sinuhe, the 'Moses' of Egyptian folklore, was the servant of Sesostris I. Professor Anati is amongst many who have perceived what are in fact quite startling likenesses between the Exodus account of Moses' flight to Midian/ Arabia and Egypt's account of Sinuhe [1480]:
The account of Moses in the land of Midian [Exodus 2:15-25] describes how he settled there for several years and formed a family .... Apparently the biblical account also corresponds quite closely to an Egyptian text ... which tells the story of Sinuhe, an officer of Pharaoh Amen-em-het I who lived in the harem and served the hereditary princess. It seems that he committed a violation of some sort, and when the Pharaoh died Sinuhe feared his successor. He fled into Asia, 'in the land of Yaa near the desert', where he was welcomed by a local chieftain.
He took the chieftain's eldest daughter as his wife, raised a family, and tended his father-in-law's pastures and flocks. Finally he was called back to Egypt and returned to his homeland from exile. The chronicle of Sinuhe contains many elements in common with the biblical account of Moses, who escaped to Midian, and his father-in-law, Jethro. It is hard to believe that these similarities are pure coincidence. It seems, instead, quite legitimate to hypothesize that the two accounts have a common matrix that cannot have originated later than the twentieth century B.C. Before we fill out the historical aspects further, and bring to a conclusion the 4th dynasty in its relation to the 12th - and both in relation to prince Moses - we need to conclude our analysis of Moses' name. Is it possible to merge the name Sinuhe with the Egyptian name for Moses? And can the former throw any light on the meaning of the latter? I think that the name Sinuhe [1520], when unravelled, may provide a needed clue. The first part of Sinuhe is variously given as Si [1525], or Sa [1527], and translated as 'Son of ...'. (See footnote [1530]). Combining Yahuda's element Mw (i.e. Mu or Nu) with the Sa element from [TSS], we arrive at Sa-mu or Sa-nu, 'Son [or Child] of the Nile', the very same conclusion that Yahuda had reached though via different means. Perhaps 'Child of the Water' ('Water- baby') is more accurate. We can easily discern in the name Sinuhe the two elements Sa-nu [1540], meaning 'Son [Child] of the Water.' Now I suggest that Sinuhe (var. Sanehat, Samehit) is composed of these same two elements, Sa and Mu (Nu), in reverse (quite a common feature of Egyptian names), with the addition of the theophoric: either Hat, for the goddess Hathor (as in Sanehat), or Re. Originally, Sinuhe was probably something like Sa-nu-re. Now this is a genuine Egyptian name, being found, element for element, in the name of the Fifth Dynasty Pharaoh, N(e)userre, and the Fourth Dynasty Pharaoh, My-ce-ri[nus] (i.e., the Greek version of Menkaure). Moses' full Egyptian name would therefore have meant, e.g: 'Child Drawn from the Water by Hathor', of which goddess pharaoh's daughter was apparently a personification: "She named him Moses, 'because', she said, 'I drew him out of the water'." (Exodus 2:10). Now notably we find in Egyptian mythology that Hathor was identified with the wet-nurse of Horus, the Moses-like baby god drawn from the marshes of the Nile Delta. And from this legend of Horus I suggest that the Greeks got their concept of Hermes, that is, Hor-mes, "Son of Hathor"; a name carrying exactly the same meaning as Sanehat. Later, of course, the Yahwistic (monotheistic) Moses would have dropped from his name any Egyptian theophoric elements. I am particularly interested in the fact that Moses' full name equates with Mycerinus, because the latter both belonged to the 4th dynasty and followed Cheops and Chephren. Moreover, the legend of Hathor and baby Horus seems to be represented in Egyptian statuary for Mycerinus; for in each of the four triads found by G. Reisner in the temple of Mycerinus (now in the Cairo and Brooklyn museums) the Pharaoh is shown in the embrace of Hathor, 'Lady of the Sycamore', whose function here, according to N. Grimal [1555], was for "suckling the king"; the same function that the lion-goddess (of writing), Sekhmet, fulfilled for Pharaoh N(e)userre [1560]. Well-known is that legend of Horus - and its likeness to the Exodus account of the baby Moses - according to which Isis hid Horus in the marshes of the Delta, with the help of the goddess Hathor, the wet nurse in the form of a cow. [1570] The child grew up ... (cf. Exodus (2:2-4, 9-10). One might be surprised at the implication here that Moses was himself a great pharaoh such as Mycerinus, being the builder of the third Giza pyramid [1580]. But tradition calls Moses a 'king' [1585]. Likewise, Sinuhe had impressive official titles such as: "... hereditary prince, royal seal-bearer, confidential friend ... follower ... of the house of the hereditary princess, the greatly favoured, the royal wife." Petrie [1590] claimed that these titles were of a very high rank, implying that Sinuhe was the son either of the king or of a great noble. And his position in the queen's household shows him to have been of importance, quite familiar with the royal family. That someone like Moses could realistically have become a prince of Egypt is affirmed by archaeologist J. Hoffmeier [1600]. The Egyptian court, he says, did rear and educate foreign-born princes, who then bore the title "child of the nursery." Hoffmeier believes that Moses was one of these privileged foreigners, some of whom went on to serve as high officials in their adopted land. We can now tabulate our 4th and 12th dynasty synthesis around Moses in the following basic fashion:
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| Fourth/Twelfth Dynasty Integration |
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1. Cheops = Amenemes I = Moses' f/grand-father; 2. Chephren = Sesostris I = Moses' f/father-in-law; 3. Mycerinus = Sinuhe = Moses.
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Fittingly, Herodotus contrasted the impious and long-reigning Cheops and Chephren, the "oppressive" pharoahs during whose reign "the country was reduced in every way to the greatest misery", with the goodly Mycerinus [1630]: ... the son [sic] of Cheops ... of all kings who ruled in Egypt he had the greatest reputation for justice in the decision of legal causes, and for this the Egyptians gave him higher praise than any other monarch .... Such were [his] generosity and mild rule .... Similarly, Exodus (18:13,16) portrays Moses as a fair judge; whilst Numbers (12:3) praises his mildness: "Now Moses was mild, the mildest man upon the face of the earth." According to the Bible, the incident that led to Moses' flight into Midian was his act of killing an Egyptian foreman to protect one of his fellow-Israelites (cf. Exodus 2:12 & 2:15). Some Israelites though did not seem over grateful for Moses' sudden interest in their welfare. 'Who made you a ruler and a judge over us? Do you mean to kill me as you killed the Egyptian?', snapped a certain Hebrew whom Moses had stopped from fighting his compatriot (2:14). He no doubt resented prince Moses who would presumably have been ruler over the very foremen who were then so cruelly oppressing the slaves. Tension had apparently been building up too between Moses and Chenephres because of Moses' popularity with the Egyptian people. In fact tradition has it that Chenephres was seeking to kill Moses out of jealousy, after Moses' successes in Ethiopia. Moses would have realised that his killing of an Egyptian, on behalf of an Israelite slave, would have given his f/father-in-law the very pretext he needed. Exodus tells us that: "When Pharaoh heard of it, he sought to kill Moses" (2:15). So Moses fled the country. That Moses sojourned in Midian until this very same pharaoh was dead is argued as follows by D. Murphie [1640]: ... the bible narrative implies (and other source materials emphasise) that the Pharaoh from whom Moses fled to Midian remained on the throne of Egypt for all but the closing years of Moses' exile, expiring just as the latter was commissioned to return to Egypt. By any calculation, this would give that Pharaoh a lengthy reign of at least, say, 40 years. Josephus ...wrote, 'So Moses, when he understood that the Pharaoh, in whose reign he fled away, was dead, asked leave from Raguel (Jethro) to go to Egypt ... and (he) made haste to Egypt'. The 45-year reign of Sesostris I completely covers this period, even allowing for his co-regency with Amenemes I. Shortening the Twelfth Dynasty
According to this scenario, supported by Exodus 4:19, there would be no room for the conventional 12th dynasty sequence of pharaohs Amenemes and Sesostris (3-4 of each name). [See F also for the way the 19 & 20th dynasty Ramessides have been duplicated]. The founder-pharaoh Amenemes I is, I now suggest, the same person as the mighty Amenemes III; whilst Sesostris I is to be equated with the equally mighty Sesostris III.
Ammenemes III ... was a particularly strong ruler, renowned for massive projects involving water storage and channelling on a gargantuan scale. He is credited with diverting much of the Nile flow into the Fayuum depression to create what became known as lake Moeris (the lake Nasser project of his time).
Indeed if a newcomer to Egyptian history was challenged to identify a candidate for the legendary Menes (organiser of a system of dykes and channels to bring the river Nile under control) on the basis of works alone, (ignoring the remarkable similarity in names), he could do far worse than nominate Ammenemes for the role. ...
The grim-faced depictions of the 12th dynasty kings, Amenemes III Now when one slots Amenemes III into his rightful place at the beginning of the 12th dynasty, there emerges a very comprehensive picture of the régime under which captive Israel toiled. Amenemes III, according to Grimal [1720]: ... was respected and honoured [sic] from Kerma to Byblos and during his reign numerous eastern workers, from peasants to soldiers and craftsmen came [sic] to Egypt. This influx [sic] of foreign workers resulted both from the growth in Egyptian influence abroad and from the need for extra workmen to help exploit the valuable resources of Egypt itself. For forty-five years [Amenemes] III ruled a country that had reached a peak of prosperity ... and the exploitation of the Faiyûm went hand in hand with the development of irrigation and an enormous growth in mining and quarrying activities. The Faiyûm was a huge oasis, about 80 km S.W. of Memphis, which offered the prospect of a completely new area of cultivable land. Exodus 1:14 tells of the Israelite slaves doing "all kinds of work in the fields." Mining and quarrying also, apparently, would have been part of the immense slave-labour effort. Grimal continues [1730]: In the Sinai region the exploitation of the turquoise and copper mines reached unprecedented heights: between the ninth and forty-fifth years of [Amenemes III's] reign no less than forty-nine texts were inscribed at Serabit el-Khadim .... The seasonal encampments of the miners were transformed into virtually permanent settlements, with houses, fortifications, wells or cisterns, and even cemeteries. The temple of Hathor at Serabit el-Khadim was enlarged .... The expeditions to quarries elsewhere in Egypt also proliferated .... [1750] Here, surely, was all the organisation and slave work force needed for the building of the (contemporary) Giza pyramids as well! Amenemes III, it seems, was a complete dictator [1760]: The economic activity formed the basis for the numerous building works that make the reign of [Amenemes] III one of the summits of state absolutism. Excavations at Biahmu revealed two colossal granite statues of the seated figure of [Amenemes] III .... Above all, he built himself two [sic] pyramids, one at Dahshur and the other at Hawara. [1770] Beside the Hawara pyramid were found the remains of his mortuary temple, which Strabo described as the Labyrinth. We already alluded to the fact that pharaoh Chenephres had become jealous of prince Moses - who had been growing in popularity with the people because of his military successes - and had set his mind upon killing Moses. There is a perfect parallel here to Saul's jealousy of David for the very same reasons (I Samuel 18:6-9). But perhaps the jealousy of Chenephres went even further than all this, to regicide. The assassination of Amenemes I may be implicit in Grimal's likening of the growing civil disorder in the reign of Teti - founder of the 6th dynasty - leading to Teti's assassination, to what happened during the reign of Amenemes I. [1780] The whole drama may have been re-told again in the legend of Osiris and Set (Seth).[1785] Let me briefly recall that legend, inserting real names in square brackets after the names of the gods and goddesses: Osiris [Khufu/Amemenes] was King of Egypt. Set [Chephren/Sesostris], his brother, urged on by jealousy, resolved to dethrone him and put him to death. The faithful Isis [wife of the King], discovered this criminal design and succeeded for some time in foiling the plots of Set, but his skilful intrigues ended by triumphing over Osiris whom he treacherously assassinated. Set then seized the throne of Egypt. Enter Horus the Avenger whom we have already associated, in his infancy, with Moses. The chronology is a bit askew, but it is only a legend after all: ... Isis [here, Moses' Hebrew mother] then gave birth to Horus [Moses] in the marshes of the Delta, near the sacred town of Buto, with the help of the goddess Hathor [Meresankh III, Moses' f/mother] [1790] . .... Horus, brought up by his mother amid a thousand dangers, driven to seek a sanctuary in the desert [Midian] to escape the implacable pursuit of Set, grew at last to maturity, and dethroned Set. Clearly this story has its basis during Moses' career as a prince of Egypt. Grimal has noted other striking likenesses, too, between Teti and Amenemes I, though he would conventionally date the former about half a millennium earlier than Amenemes. They shared the same throne name, Sehetibre, and the same Horus name, Sehetep-tawy (meaning "He who pacifies the Two Lands") [1800]. Linking the 4th/12th Dynasty with the 6th Dynasty
We may be able to trace the rise of the 4th dynasty's Khufu (Cheops) to the 6th dynasty, to the wealthy noble from Abydos in the south, called Khui. The latter had a daughter called Ankhenesmerire, in whose name are contained all the elements of Mer-es-ankh, daughter of the Pharaoh who became Moses' adopted mother and married Chephren/Chenephres.
Further possible links with the 6th dynasty are the likenesses between the latter's founder, Teti, and Amenemes I, as pointed out by historians. Despite the little that these admit to knowing of Teti - and the fact that they would have him pre-dating the 12th dynasty by half a millennium - historians have noted that Teti shared some common features with Amenemes I, including the same throne name, Sehetibre, the same Horus name, Sehetep-tawy ("He who pacifies the Two Lands"), and the likelihood that death came in 'both' cases through assassination. [1850] The long reigns of the two pharaohs under whom prince Moses served - 45 years each to Amenemes [III] & Sesostris [I] (corresponding well with Herodotus's approximate half-century long reigns each for Cheops and Chephren) - would suggest that these were the only two Egyptian rulers for the first 80 years of Moses' life. These were followed by the ill-fated pharaoh of the Exodus, whose reign lasted only about a year, and whose son died in the plague (Exodus 12:29). Most conveniently, the Old Kingdom's end came shortly after the 1-year reign of its last male ruler of the 6th dynasty, Merenre II, who thus looms as an excellent candidate for the Pharaoh of the Exodus. His Middle Kingdom alter ego may well be Amenemes IV, Maat-en-ra (similar to Mer-en-re), whose mummy has never been found.[1860] It is noticeable that both the 6th and 12th dynasties ended with a woman ruler, respectively Nitocris and Sobek-neferure, whom I suspect was the same person, suggesting that there were no more male members left of the royal family (after the biblical plagues) [1870]: The Turin Canon lists Nitocris immediately after Merenere II, describing her as the 'King of Upper and Lower Egypt'. This woman, whose fame grew in the Ptolemaic period in the guise of the legendary Rhodopis ... courtesan ... was the first known queen to exercise political power over Egypt. Nofer-ka-ra (Nefer-kare) of the 6th dynasty may have been the ill-fated 'first born son' who died in the tenth plague (Exodus 12:29), since it was during his lifetime that Egypt was plunged into darkness. (See also Stratigraphy section). Whilst W. Stiebing would, contrary to Courville's view, flatly reject any notion of contemporaneity between the 6th and 12th dynasties [1880]: This revision, however, ignores the fact that while Palestinian EB III pottery is found in Sixth Dynasty tombs, it is not found in tombs belonging to the supposedly contemporaneous Twelfth Dynasty. It also ignores stylistic differences and developments in tomb reliefs and inscriptions which indicate that the Old and Middle Kingdoms were not contemporaneous .... There might be some substantial architectural evidence to support Courville. Thus J. Osgood proposes a possible close relationship between the 6th and 12th dynasty mortuary temples [1890]: Edwards certainly opens the possibility unconsciously when referring to the pyramid of Sesostris the First [1900]:
"... and the extent to which its Mortuary Temple was copied from the Mortuary Temples of the VIth dynasty, as illustrated by that of Pepi II [1910] , is clearly evident."
The return of a culture to what it was before ... after some three hundred years must be an uncommon event. The theoretical possibility that the two cultures, the Twelfth and the Sixth Dynasties were in fact contemporary and followed a common pattern of Mortuary Temple must be borne in mind as real.
Jannes and Mambres
The apostle Paul has most obligingly left to us the names of two Egyptian dignitaries who he said resisted Moses. "As Jannes and Mambres [1920] opposed Moses ..." (2 Timothy 3:8; Numbers 21:4-9; John 3:14-15) [1925]. Had he actually given us their Egyptian names, there would perhaps have been little debate over the era of Moses. But Jannes and Mambres would be Grecised or Latinised versions of names that were originally Egyptian.
The task of identifying the two Egyptian dignitaries referred to by the apostle Paul - both of whom hopefully stand out as key figures in the above revision of the era of Moses - is complicated by two textual variations between the Latin and the Greek. (i) Whereas the Latin gives "Quemadmodum autem Jannes et Mambres restiterunt Moysi"; the Greek gives Jannes and Jambres in 2.Timothy 3:8 (Exodus 7:11, 22): My preference in each case is for the Latin version.
Who were the two Egyptians who "resisted Moses"? Undoubtedly Chenephres who appears to have invoked a fatwa against Moses that he maintained to the very grave. I suggest that Chenephres is Jannes; the already westernised name Chenephres having been shortened to Chennes, hence Jannes. The other obvious Egyptian resister of Moses, again unto death, was the obdurate Pharaoh of the Exodus, Mer-en-re ('Beloved is Re')/Maat-en-re ('Truthful is Re'). Merenre/Maat-en-re is not a bad likeness to Mambres. We should actually prefer a "b" in the middle of the name, as in the case of e.g. Meribre, but to find such a name we might have to go back earlier in Egyptian history, to the beginning of the 10th dynasty. That the Old Kingdom ended with a period of great confusion is fully confirmed by Breasted when describing the archaeological data at the end of the 6th dynasty [1950]: The internal struggle which caused the fall of the Old Kingdom developed at last into a convulsion, in which the destructive forces were for a time completely triumphant. Exactly when and by whom the ruin was wrought is not now determinable [sic], but the magnificent mortuary works of the greatest of the Old Kingdom monarchs fell victims to a carnival of destruction in which many of them were annihilated. The temples were not merely pillaged and violated, but their finest works of art were subjected to systematic and determined vandalism which shattered the splendid granite and diorite statues of the kings into bits .... The nation was totally disorganized. Regarding whether the Egyptians recorded the Exodus, Anati has written [1960]:
In the last 100 years, many efforts have been invested on finding some hints of the Israelites and their exodus in the Egyptian ancient literature. In the many Egyptian texts that date to the New Kingdom ... there is no mention of the flight from Egypt or the crossing of the "Red Sea".
Not even the general historical and social background correspond. ... If all of this tradition has a minimal basis in historical fact, then it cannot have been totally ignored by the Egyptians. Nor, according to Professor Anati, did they ignore it [1970]: ... The relevant texts do not date to the New Kingdom at all, but to the Old Kingdom. In other words ... the archaeological evidence ..., the tribal social structures described in the Bible, the climatic changes and the ancient Egyptian literature all seem to indicate that the events and situations which may have inspired the biblical narrations of Exodus do not date to the thirteenth century BC but ... to the late third millennium BC. Professor Anati still accepts the conventional dating of the Old and New Kingdoms [1975]. But this only means that his discoveries are all the more meaningful, because he has not set out to make a chronological statement [1977]. The story of the Exodus, Lemonick wrote, "involves so many miracles" - plagues, the parting of the Red Sea [1978], manna, from heaven, the giving of the Ten Commandments - that critics take it for "pure myth" [1979]. In this regard he referred to Fr. Anthony Axe, Bible lecturer at Jerusalem's École Biblique, who has claimed that a massive Exodus that led to the drowning of Pharaoh's army would have reverberated politically and economically throughout the entire region. And, considering that artefacts from as far back as the late Stone Age have turned up in the Sinai, Fr Axe finds it perplexing that - as he thinks - no evidence of the Israelites' passage has been found. Indeed Fr Axe is right in saying that an event such as the Exodus would have had widespread political and economic ramifications; but because he has been conditioned to thinking according to the Sothic-based time scale, Fr. Axe is unable to see the wood for the trees, so to speak. For, contrary to the conventional view, the Egyptian chronicles do give abundant testimony to a time of catastrophe reminiscent of the Exodus, and archaeology does clearly attest the presence of an invasive people sojourning for a time in the Sinai/Negev deserts. And the reason why the Israeli archaeologists of the 60's-80's "... didn't find a single piece of evidence backing the Israelites' supposed 40-year sojourn in the desert", as M. Broshi, curator emeritus of the Dead Sea Scrolls, claims [1982], is because they were always expecting to find such "evidence" in a New Kingdom context. The error of looking to the New Kingdom for the Exodus scenario has already been pointed out by Anati, and will become even more apparent in our discussions of Stratigraphy below and in C. Dr. Cohen, Deputy Director of the Israeli Antiquities Authority, when asked which Egyptian dynasty he considered to be contemporaneous with the Exodus events, nominated the Middle Kingdom's 12th dynasty [1984]. In this regard he referred to the Ipuwer Papyrus as describing the conditions in Egypt that could be expected as the result of the ten devastating plagues (cf. Exodus 7-12). Cohen of course is not the first to have suggested the relevance of the 12th dynasty, or of the Ipuwer Papyrus, to the situation of the Israelites in Egypt and the Exodus. Courville [1986] had discussed in detail its suitability as the background for the enslavement and ultimate deliverance (Exodus 1:8-5:22). More recently, Down [1988] has developed this view. And Velikovsky had presented a compelling case for both the Ipuwer and Ermitage papyrii's being recollections of the plagues and devastation of Egypt. [1989] Despite what might at first seem to be a dearth of positive archaeological data from this truly dark moment in Egyptian history, the collapse of the Old/Middle Kingdom, there is clear evidence that the 'Asiatic' labourers in Egypt departed suddenly and unexpectedly. The archaeology at Illahûn for example (where, as we saw, these foreign labourers had been living in numbers) reveals the exact time when they abandoned the town. Up to the time of Khasekhemre-Neferhotep I of the mid-13th dynasty, there was evidence of a continuous occupation. But then, as Rosalie David, explains, it was deserted [1990]: There is every indication that Kahun [Illahûn] continued to flourish throughout the 12th dynasty and in to the 13th dynasty .... It is evident that the completion of the king's pyramid was not the reason why Kahun's inhabitants eventually deserted the town, abandoning their tools and other possessions in the shops and houses. The quantity, range and type of articles of everyday use which were left behind in the houses may suggest that the departure was sudden and unpremeditated. We may now presume that Khasekhemre-Neferhotep I, the 13th dynasty prince in charge of Illahûn when the desertion occurred, was a ruler contemporary with the Exodus. This data enables us now to synchronise the 13th dynasty as well with the Exodus scenario so far ascertained. Neferhotep's full name is not unlike Nofer-ka-ra (Nefer-kare) of the 6th dynasty referred to above. Quite possibly this was the same person; death having come as a result of the tenth plague. David Rohl [2000] describes the archaeology at Tell el-Daba (ancient Avaris, in the eastern Nile Delta), which he thinks may be evidence for this plague: At the end of stratum G/1 ... [Manfred] Bietak and his archaeological team began to uncover a gruesome scene. All over the city of Avaris they found shallow burial pits into which the victims of some terrible disaster had been hurriedly cast. These were no careful internments of the deceased. The bodies were not arranged in the proper burial fashion but rather thrown into the mass graves, one on top of the other. There were no grave goods placed with the corpses as was usually the custom. Bietak is convinced that we have here direct evidence of plague or some other sudden catastrophe at Avaris. Rohl next tells of a mass exodus from Avaris [2020]: "What is more, analysis of the site archaeology suggests that a large part of the remaining population of the town abandoned their homes and departed from Avaris en masse." This was followed at some point by a foreign invasion [2030]: The site was then reoccupied after an interval of unknown duration by Asiatics who were not 'Egyptianised' like the previous population of stratum G. Stratum F marks a new beginning in the settlement of purely Asiatic (Canaanite) people ... The inhabitants of stratum G seem to have left the site before the arrival of [this other] wave of Asiatic immigrants, who settled and remained there until the be-ginning of the New Kingdom. According to Rohl, the Asiatics who had dwelt in Egypt during this Middle Kingdom period were thoroughly 'Egyptianised' (just as one would expect the Hebrews to have been on the eve of the Exodus). It appears that these 'Egyptianised' foreigners fled Avaris at this time of plague, only to be replaced some time afterwards by other Asiatics (stratum level F) who show no evidence of their having been 'Egyptianised'. These latter would therefore be the 'Hyksos' invaders. They began at Avaris, during the reign of Neferhotep's brother, Sobekhotep IV. From Avaris, the Hyksos foreigners gradually moved towards Memphis [2050], following the eastern ridge of the Delta: [2055]: "This progression took place over a period of almost half a century, until about 1675 BC [sic]. The Thirteenth Dynasty had by then reached its thirty-third or thirty-fourth king, Dedumesiu I"; almost certainly to be identified with Manetho's unfortunate "Tutimaius".
With the Old and Middle Kingdoms now combined, it will become necessary also to merge the EBA (= Old Kingdom) with MBA (= Middle Kingdom). This is something that Courville neglected to do. He tried to argue, against the facts, that the combined Old/ Middle Kingdom belonged entirely to the EBA. That this leads to some huge problems, which Courville does not appear to have even recognised, is already apparent from Stiebing's criticisms. It will become even more apparent in C. Part C: MBI: Joshuan Conquest History TIME magazine: "... and relatively few modern historians believe in Joshua's conquest of Jericho and the rest of the Promised Land. In the most extreme view, all of the above are complete fabrications, invented centuries after the supposed fact." [2100] Lemonick, having presented the typical opinions of the archaeologists in regard to the Exodus, then proceeds to sum up their views about the Conquest [2110]:
Unlike the Exodus, the story of Joshua and the conquest of Canaan can be tested against a rich archaeological record. The scientific consensus: bad news for the biblical account.
According to the Book of Joshua, the Israelite leader and his armies swept into Canaan, destroying cities including Jericho, Hazor and Ai, after which the Israelites settled the land. Archaeology tells a more complicated tale .... Joshua's conquest would have taken place in the 13th century B.C.
But British researcher Kathleen Kenyon, who excavated at Jericho for six years, found no evidence of destruction at that time. Indeed, says Dead Sea Scrolls curator emeritus Broshi, "the city was destroyed from the beginning of the 15th century until the 11th century B.C." So was Ai .... And so, according to archaeological surveys, was most of the land surrounding the cities. Says Broshi: "The central hill regions of Judea and Samaria were practically uninhabited. The Israelites didn't have to kill and burn to settle." Already we have, in our discussion of the Exodus, prepared the ground for a correct dating of the conquest by showing that the Israelites whom Moses, and later Joshua, led, were the products of Egypt's Old/Middle Kingdom (EBA/MBA); not the New Kingdom's LBA. No matter then, as Broshi states, that there is no indication of a habitable city standing on the site of Jericho ''from the beginning of the 15th century until the 11th century B.C."; for, by conventional reckoning, these centuries belong to LBA. The important fact is - as will now be discussed in the Stratigraphy section - that there was a very strong city standing on the site of Jericho during the EBIII phase, and that it was this city that was utterly devastated by the MBI invaders. That the conventional chronologico-stratigraphical arrangement cannot by any means accommodate the conquest sequence in its New Kingdom context (various points in LBA having been suggested) is apparent from the above testimonies of both Kenyon and Broshi. It is also apparent from the following facts as pointed out by S. Vaninger [2160]: At none of the points [in LBA] is a cultural break indicated in the archaeological strata that would suggest the arrival of a new people. At none of these points has there been found any evidence of fortified cities at Jericho and Ai, much less of a destruction level. At none has there been found a previous occupation at Arad and Hormah that is required by Numbers 21:1-3 and Judges 1:17. In short, at none of these points has there been any real success in matching the archaeological evidence with biblical conquest narratives. Vaninger could also have included the absence during LBA of Hebron (Numbers 13:22; Joshua 14:15 & 15:13; Judges 1:10,20) and Gibeon/El Jib (Joshua 9-10; ca. 9 km NW of Jerusalem). Everything changes though when the conquest is located earlier to the Canaanite EBIII stage, with the conquerors being the MBI people whom more and more experts are calling the 'Israelites' [2190]. Even conventional scholar Stiebing, who rejects an MBI conquest of EBIII as the time of Joshua, admits that the conquest's location at this point would solve certain problems. Let us first listen to his important distinctions between EBIII and MBI [2200]:
Several scholars believe that agreement between archaeology and the Bible can be achieved if the conquest is placed at the end of the Early Bronze Age. The latter part of the Early Bronze Age was an era of widespread urbanization in Palestine (including the Negev) and Transjordan. But almost every one of the flourishing Palestinian cities was destroyed at the end of the Early Bronze III (EB III) period. The succeeding era, Middle Bronze Age I (MB I), ... was characterized by a non-urban pastoral society.
The change from EB III to MB I has often been seen as a total cultural break. The urban culture of EB III was succeeded by an era in which there were no true cities in Palestine, only small villages consisting of a few flimsy, poorly built structures. Pottery types and other artifacts were very different in the two periods. The Early Bronze practice of multiple burials in large caves was replaced by single or double burials in smaller tombs, and the differences between the tomb styles and burial practices during the MB I period might indicate that they belonged to non-sedentary groups with a tribal social structure. This view that the EB III culture was almost totally destroyed and replaced by that of invading semi-nomadic tribes has led some scholars to place the Israelite conquest of Canaan at this point in the archaeological history of Palestine. Stiebing now points to what he sees as certain advantages of this interpretation [2240]: An EB III exodus and conquest would solve some problems. Both Ai and Jericho were large, walled cities during EB III and were destroyed at the end of that era. And the widespread destruction of cities and the changes in material culture which took place at the end of EB III could be credited to the invading Israelites. The almost total cultural break between EB III and MB I could indicate that the Israelites conquered virtually all of Palestine and massacred most of the Canaanite population, just as the Bible says. Such a scenario, Stiebing goes on to tell, has recently been strengthened by the testimony of experts. Firstly by Dr. Cohen [2250]: This view has been bolstered in recent years by Israeli archaeologist Rudolph Cohen's claim that the spread of the MB I culture into Palestine follows the pattern which the Bible gives for the invading Israelites. Cohen argues that the MB I culture first appeared in northern Sinai and the southern Negev, spread through Transjordan, then across the Jordan into the southern hill country, and finally into northern Palestine. .... Secondly, by Anati [2260]:
Emmanuel Anati, professor of paleo-ethnology at the University of Lecce, in Italy, furthermore has found an EB III/MB I holy mountain which he claims is Mount Sinai. Anati discovered a great concentration of rock art (much of it with what seem to be religious themes) at Har Karkom, a mountain in the southern Negev of Israel. He also found standing stones and altars [2270], suggesting that this mountain had been a place of religious pilgrimage. All in all, he feels it fits the Bible's description of Mount Sinai quite well.
The largest number of habitation sites near Har Karkom (think now Jebel el Lawz) and the greatest volume of rock art there belong to the Early Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age I. There seems to have been little activity at this site during the Middle Bronze II, Late Bronze, and Iron Ages. .... So, if Har Karkom was Mount Sinai (as Anati believes, but we believe it was Jebel el Lawz), then the exodus must have begun during the Early Bronze Age and the conquest must have taken place at the end of EB III. Dr. Cohen, known as 'the King of the South', is highly qualified to speak about the discoveries in this part of the world where he has been excavating for the last 25 or so years. He thus belongs to that era of Israeli archaeologists of the 60's-80's who, according to Broshi, "didn't find a single piece of evidence backing the Israelites' supposed 40-year sojourn in the desert". Anyway, third millennium archaeologists in the region are concluding quite differently from those earlier excavators. Uniquely qualified is professor Anati, who has been labouring in the Sinai/Paran wilderness for as long as the Israelites were said to have: 40 years (Numbers 14:33) [2300]. Dr. Cohen has provided an interesting account of the archaeological situation at Kadesh Barnea - a place of great familiarity to the Israelites during their sojourn in the desert (cf. Num 32:8; Deut. 9:23; Josh 14:7). Prior to the irruption of the MBI people into the Negev, he said, that region had been occupied by a Canaanite people of the EBIII era, as indicated by the Kadesh pottery styles. The end of EBIII came about with destruction and ruin. No more occupation after that. But, interestingly, there were numerous MBI settlements in the surrounding area. The pottery styles and way of life of this new people were sharply different from those of the Canaanites; e.g., the MBI people preferred to settle on hills rather than in the valleys as the Canaanites had done [2320]. Importantly, the MBI culture showed a definite Egyptian influence. W. Albright [2330] referred to "the preponderance of weapons and ornaments made in Egypt, or made after Egyptian models". And Cohen himself noted in the BAR article that these MBI people carried with them grinding stones (querns) made of Aswan granite, conch shells from the Red Sea and even fragments of ostrich egg shells (ostriches being native to Africa). All of this would seem to suggest that the MBI people, or at least traders, had come across the Sinai from the direction of Egypt. For this section (Part One) I shall be sticking to the simple idea, as discussed above, that the MBI were the Israelites who destroyed the major EBIII Canaanite sites. The situation is actually far more complex than this, as we should expect from our previous comments that stratigraphy does not follow a neat linear pattern (e.g. the Mesopotamian flood sequences; Kenyon's explanation; Ur III and the Chalcolithic age). Of necessity too would the MBI Israelites, because of their abrupt departure from Egypt and their nomadic circumstances, reflect quite a rudimentary form of MB culture; more basic than the stable, urban civilisations that they conquered. These latter should largely reflect a sophisticated Middle Kingdom/MBA culture. However, much of the archaeological data and the Bible can be correlated by this simple application of MBI = Israelite conquest. Afterwards (Part Two), I shall deal with the problems that arise from this simple scenario, using a fuller stratigraphical matrix. Vaninger, who accepts the MBI = Israelite scenario is a useful guide for Part One with the following ten points of his [2370]: .... There is an abundance of positive archaeological evidence for synchronizing the conquest with the end of the Early Bronze III period. ....
1. Almost every major site in Palestine was destroyed and/or abandoned at the end of the Early Bronze III period .... This agrees with the general statement in Joshua 11:23 that "Joshua took the whole land". From an Egyptian perspective, the Israelites of the Exodus would correspond well with those 'Egyptianised' Asiatics who left Egypt in a hurry, en masse. In terms of Palestinian archaeology these were the MBI people, carrying Egyptian artefacts, who can be traced through the northern Sinai, at the oasis of Kadesh-barnea, who were at Har Karkom, and who destroyed the Midianite cities at Babh-Ed Dhra, Numeira etc. in the western portion of Moab, east of the Dead Sea, and perhaps at its southern end (cf. Numbers 31) [2450]. More on Israel in Egypt. EB IV culture can now be defined as Moabite [2460].
The Israelites totally destroyed the inhabitants of Jericho (except for Rahab and her family) and burned the city to the ground (v.24). Joshua placed Jericho at that time under a curse; so that whoever rebuilt its wall would do so at the cost of the lives of his two sons (v.26). This prediction was fulfilled more than half a millennium later, at the time of King Ahab, when the wall was rebuilt by Hiel the Bethelite (I Kings 16:34). Taking as our guide the biblical scenario, we should expect that the archaeologists would find at the appropriate stratum on the mound of ancient Jericho (modern Tell es Sultan), a mighty Canaanite city, well fortified with strong walls. We should further expect them to find that these walls had collapsed, apparently as the result of an earthquake. In regard to this latter phenomenon, I must pause to ask the question:
What more unique incident could be hoped for as an anchor point for properly correlating the archaeology of this area with its history (unique because the incident belongs in the category of a general invasion followed by a natural catastrophe, and followed by evidences of occupation of the entire territory by a new people - and even further unique because of the peculiar nature of the destruction of Jericho)?
In 1930 the British researcher, John Garstang, undertook an investigation of the site of Jericho that lasted for six years. Among Garstang's finds was the discovery of the double line of walls around the city that had been thrown down violently, apparently by an earthquake. Garstang positively regarded these as the walls destroyed at the time of Joshua. The bricks of the walls had been thrown down the sides of the slope of the mound, and the outer wall base had been tilted outward, giving further indication that the destruction had been a violent one by natural causes. We should furthermore expect archaeologists to find that there occurred the destruction by fire of the city inside these walls. Kenyon, describing the ferocity with which the destruction of the EBIII city at Jericho came about, wrote [2490]:
The final end of the Early Bronze Age civilization came with catastrophic completeness. The last of the Early Bronze walls of Jericho was built in a great hurry, using old and broken bricks, and was probably not completed when it was destroyed by fire. Little or none of the town inside the walls has survived subsequent denudation, but it was probably completely destroyed for all the finds show an absolute break, and that a new people took the place of the earlier inhabitants. Every town in Palestine that has so far been investigated shows this same break.
Courville [2510] has suggested that the evident haste in erecting the last of these protective walls "reflects in an amazing manner the fear of the people of Jericho at the rumours of the approach of the armies of Israel." As formidable as were the defences already prepared, there was a hasty effort to strengthen these fortifications (cf. Joshua 2:9-11). But there is even more correspondence. According to an intriguing detail of supporting evidence as gleaned by professor Anati from the Book of Joshua, EBIII Jericho alone qualifies for the city destroyed by the Israelites [2520]:
With regard to the correspondence between archaeology and biblical descriptions, if the latter is reliable in terms of historical reconstruction, then the following passage may prove to be particularly significant: 'Rahab let them down from the window by a rope, for her house was against the city wall itself' (Jos 2:15). Which of the archaeological layers that have been excavated might correspond to this description? ...
This ... description can only refer to a form of urban planning and surrounding wall from the Early Bronze Age .... There were no windows that looked towards the outside of the walls, during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, either at Jericho or at any other site in the Syro-palestinian region.
All well and good so far. But now things should - and do - become more complicated.
We have seen how an MBI conquest of EBIII fits well with the Joshuan scenario. However, the picture is by no means that simple, for what we find also is that there are some glaring anomalies associated with this proposed situation, and it is undoubtedly these that are keeping archaeologists from fully embracing the MBI = Israelites equation.
First of all I shall give Stiebing's general points that are unfavourable to this simple equation; and, after that, his more specific points in relation to certain problematical sites. The reader may be surprised to find that even Jericho now has its anomalies.
General
The general stratigraphical problem of the Courville/Vaninger model is well explained by Stiebing, who had previously admitted this model's strong points [2600]:
This theory, however, contains a major inconsistency in dealing with cultural breaks in Palestinian archaeology. On the one hand, the break between EB III and MB I is seen as evidence for the invasion of a new population group. But the equally complete and dramatic change from MB I to MB IIA .... is supposedly due only to the Israelites' settling down and becoming more urbane.
However, climatic changes and internal strife can lead to widespread destruction, abandonment and urbanization, and a reversion to pastoral life. The EB III destructions do not necessarily prove that an invasion took place.
On the other hand, since during the MB I period there were only small semi-nomadic encampments or villages in Palestine, rather than cities, destruction levels should not be expected. If invaders had arrived in strength at the end of MB I they would have had little reason to burn and destroy the undefended villages they found, especially since most of the MB I settlements were in the Negev, an area in which the MB IIA population chose not to settle. So destruction layers at the end of EB III do not prove that an invasion occurred then, nor does the lack of destruction levels at the end of MB I prove there was no invasion at that time. The changes between MB I and MB IIA are comparable to those between EB III and MB I. If such changes signal the appearance of new population groups at the end of EB III, then the abrupt change from MB I pastoralism to the new urban culture of MB IIA should also be credited to invaders.
Specific Sites
Continuing with Stiebing [2700]:
... excavations have shown that Beth-shean, Dor, and Beth-shemesh were not occupied in EB III ..., and thus could not have survived the Israelite conquest as the Book of Judges claims. ... Shiloh and Gaza present major problems for theories of an EB III conquest. Shiloh was one of the centers of Israelite activity during the period of the Judges (Joshua 18:1-10; Judges 21:12,19; etc.) and Gaza was a Philistine city which plays an important role in the stories about Samson (Judges 13-16). Yet Shiloh (Khirbet Seilun) was occupied for the first time in MB IIB (which begins just before the time of Saul, according to the Courville/Vaninger chronology), while Gaza (Tell Harube) was not occupied until the Late Bronze Age (which equals the Divided Monarchy in their system) ....
It should be noted immediately, with regard to Shiloh, that scholars are not unanimous as to its true location [2730]. As for Gaza, its emergence in LBA is exactly what one would expect from the stratigraphical pattern that I shall now begin to trace, following Bimson.
Bimson shows how the archaeological data for the end of MBA Jericho corresponds strikingly well with the conquest scenario [2740]:
In analysing the Biblical account, we must go back to Numbers, 25. Here, just a few weeks or months before the attack on Jericho, we find the Israelites living in a camp which extends along the eastern side of the Jordan just opposite the city ....
During this time the area was affected by a severe plague. Numbers 25:9 reports that 24,000 Israelites died of this plague. In due course the Jordan was crossed (Josh. 3) and a new camp established at Gilgal. From here the campaign against Jericho was launched. The Israelite victory was assured when an earthquake broke down the city's walls. The inhabitants were slaughtered and the whole city burned to the ground.
The MBA city was destroyed in a terrible conflagration [2800]:
"All the Middle Bronze Age buildings were violently destroyed by fire .... There is no doubt from the scorched surfaces of the walls and floors of the violence of the conflagration" .... Dame Kathleen Kenyon, who wrote these words, concluded from the violence of the destruction that this burning was the result of an enemy attack on the city ....
Further in favour of Bimson's revision, against Courville/Vaninger's, is the following [2820]:
According to the Biblical tradition, there was no city at Jericho between the Conquest and the reign of Ahab. We have seen that in the scheme offered above, the archaeological evidence confirms this picture. In Courville's scheme, however, the archaeological findings do not correspond with the Biblical tradition at all, since the strongly fortified and populous MB II city fills the period which ought to have been one of abandonment or, at the most, sporadic temporary habitation ....
Moreover, that Bimson's synchronism between the MBA phase at Jericho and Egypt's Middle Kingdom is accurate is apparent from the nature of the scarabs [2840]:
... only four of the MBA scarabs bear royal names. Three of these definitely come from the Twelfth and Thirteenth (pre-Hyksos) Dynasties .... The date of the fourth, which bears the obscure name "Sheshi", is debated. In Gardiner's view, however, scarabs bearing this name date from immediately prior to the rise of the Hyksos. The Sheshi scarab from Jericho was found in one of the multiple burials which date from very near the end of the MBA city's history.
The question for Courville and Vaninger becomes: If the Israelites had previously left an Egypt that had seen the demise of all the 12th dynasty pharaohs, how come it is the MBA city at Jericho (which Courville would presumably maintain was built some time after the era of Joshua) that contains the scarabs of the 12th dynasty kings?
More precisely, Bimson has noted that scarabs of Sesostris I of the 12th dynasty begin to occur in MBII A contexts in Western Asia. But Egyptian Middle Kingdom objects are far more numerous in MBII B-C, which - according to convention - was the Hyksos period [2860]. Bimson has thus rejected MBII as the Hyksos period. Instead he has concluded that, since MBII was contemporaneous with Egypt's Middle Kingdom, then LBI was, at least partially, contemporaneous with the Hyksos period [2870].
While the conventional view of a conquest during LBA is quite inadequate, strong arguments can be made for either the EBIII and MBA scenarios. But both of these latter also have their shortcomings. It is only when EBA and MBA are properly integrated - the logical result of Courville's revision of pre-New Kingdom Egypt - that the full picture emerges and the anomalies disappear. As with the Mesopotamian flood, so with Jericho, have the archaeologists provided only an incomplete part of the picture. I ask:
What are the chances of two distinct cities at Jericho, supposedly well separated in time, suffering collapse from earthquake followed by radical burning from an enemy? It is like reading the same story twice.
The EBIII city whose walls fell outward, that was burned to the ground, must be recognised as the same as the MBA city that suffered earthquake and was burned. This was the city contemporaneous with Egypt's 6th and 12th dynasties - and with the Exodus - that the Joshuan forces attacked and destroyed. Its MBA defences, clearly observable on the sides of the mound [2900], were likely the most recent fortifications for what was a very old city. But EBA and MBA Jericho was not a separate city.
Other seeming anomalies for the conquest, too, can be solved from a complete archaeological application along these lines, recognising that archaeology is not purely linear.
Just a few words about the long Judges period, as I shall not be devoting a separate section to it. It corresponds with the Hyksos domination of Egypt, and hence the Bible nowhere during the Judges era speaks of Egypt as a contemporary power.
Stratigraphically, it would largely be represented by LBI
Quite early in the Judges period, Israel was oppressed for 8 years by the Syro-Mesopotamian king, Cushan-rishathaim (Judges 3:8). Regarding the historical identification of Cushan-rishathaim, I am very impressed with Hickman's reconstruction, according to which Israel's oppressor was none other than the renowned Sargon of Akkad (cf. Agade), currently dated to c. 2334-2279, to even before Ur III. [2940] Cushan is likely also the hard-to-locate, chronologically, Enshag-kushanna of the Mesopotamian lists, considered to be close to the time of Sargon of Akkad. [2950]
If this reconstruction be correct, then the Judges period would for much of its first part be contemporaneous with the lengthy Sargonid dynasty in Mesopotamia.
But the latter part of the Judges era (e.g. closer to the time of Samuel) would be - as we shall now learn from Zimri Lim - contemporaneous with the early First Babylonian Dynasty, whose chief king, Hammurabi, was, as I shall suggest, a contemporary of Solomon's.
[010] SIS Review, Vol. VI, Issues 1-3 (Soc. for Interdisciplinary Studs., UK, 1982), 16-26.
[1010] Lemonick, M., "Are the Bible's Stories True?" (Christmas, 1995).
[2100] "Are the Bible's Stories True?" (Christmas, 1995). |
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